Léconomie suisse: « Que sais-je ? » n° 2875 (French Edition)

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In the Marquesas associated species include Crossostylis biflora J. Stone , Metrosideros collina J. Threats include competition from alien plant species and damage from feral ungulates. Although this is the most widely distributed of the new species, it is clearly at risk due to habitat loss and degradation. The epithet refers to the Pacific distribution of this new species.

The suitable habitat for Blechnum pacificum on most islands of occurrence is indicated as a declining or endangered environment, threatened by human activity deforestation, fire , feral animals, and invasive plants, reducing the extent of the forest. Austral Islands: Rapa Iti. Society Islands: Moorea: Mt.

Tohiea, Grant UC ; Faaa, Mt. Ua Pou: Mt. The name Blechum capense Burm. The true Blechnum capense is confined to southern Africa and some nearby islands Burrows ; Roux This southern African species has also been treated under the name Blechnum sylvaticum Schelpe Schelpe ; Jacobson , on the false assumption that the type of Blechnum capense Burm. However, there seem to be good reasons for placing Blechnum sylvaticum in synonymy under Blechnum capense Roux ; Schelpe and Anthony ; Burrows ; Roux The name Blechnum procerum G.

The true Blechnum minus , or swamp kiokio, is only doubtfully distinct from the common kiokio previously known as Blechnum capense. Clearly, the name Blechnum procerum does not apply to the Polynesian plants. Farrant and Blechnum minus R. From evidence presented in a recent paper on the phylogeny of New Zealand Blechnaceae by Shepherd et al. Several species from New Caledonia, all considered endemic, form a confusing array of species somewhat similar to Blechnum pacificum.

These include Blechnum confusum E. Brownlie, Blechnum chauliodontum Copel. Blechnum confusum differs in its strongly ascending, more sharply serrulate and less scaly pinnae sterile blades are nearly glabrous. Farrant is similar to Blechnum pacificum in having fertile pinnae with an expanded basal sterile region, but in the latter the margins are never revolute and the rhizome scales are thin, concolorous, and pale to medium brown.

No names of taxa with types from Fiji apply to the new species, the closest species there being Blechnum milnei Carruthers C. Among the Polynesian species of Blechnum , Blechnum pacificum seems most closely related to Blechnum venosum Copel. In addition to having copious, shiny, dark brown, almost blackish scales on the stipes as noted in the diagnosis, the veins of Blechnum venosum are very prominent and strongly raised above the surface on the abaxial side of blades, whereas the veins in Blechnum pacificum are visible abaxially but scarcely, if at all, raised.

This gives Blechnum venosum a much harsher, more cartilaginous appearance. Also, in Blechnum venosum , there are very short hairs on the veins abaxially and some hairs are even present between the veins on laminar tissue, but Blechnum pacificum lacks such hairs. In Blechnum venosum , some of these hairs on the veins and laminar tissue appear multicellular septate, but uniseriate , and glandular or gland-tipped. Also, pinna margins in Blechnum pacificum are more crenulate scalloped than in Blechnum venosum which has entire margins. Dryopteris Adanson is a large, essentially cosmopolitan genus of around species with its greatest diversity in north temperate regions Fraser-Jenkins a , ; Mickel and Smith Previously only a single species, Dryopteris fatuhivensis E.

Dryopteris fatuhivensis was placed in subg. Dryopteris , sect. Hirtipedes by Fraser-Jenkins b along with related species from Asia, including the widespread Dryopteris hirtipes Blume Kuntze which includes two subspecies, subsp. We follow Fraser-Jenkens in recognizing Dryopteris fatuhivensis as a Marquesan endemic species distinct from Dryopteris hirtipes.

Recent collections from the Marquesas have revealed the presence of two additional, distinctive endemic Dryopteris species distinguished by their large, 3-pinnate to 3-pinnate-pinnatifid fronds. Both species have normally developed spores and lack any morphological features suggesting hybrid origin. Morphologically they are quite different than Dryopteris fatuhivensis , from which they may be separated by the characters in the following key.

Key to Dryopteris in the Marquesas Islands. Wagner sp. Frond with A blade and B stipe. Drawn from the type collection Wood and field images. A pinna from near base of lamina, lower surface B lower surface of fertile pinnule showing sori C pinnule with sorus, sporangia, and scales D scale from stipe E part of stipe scale showing detail of cells. Fronds clustered, 5—7 per rhizome, erect-arching; stipes 35 49—75 cm long, 4—6 mm in diameter medially, about as long as the blades, adaxially grooved, reddish brown to stramineous, entire length clothed in dense, persistent, spreading, lustrous, light to dark brown or reddish brown, linear-oblong to linear-lanceolate twisted scales to ca.

Sori with indusia 0. Spores dark brown.

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This new species is rare and localized from ca. It occurs in transitional mesic to wet forests with Alsophila tahitensis Brack. Gray ex Benth. Threats in most areas include human disturbance, feral pigs, and invasive weeds. B1a, severely fragmented; B1b i—iii , habitat continuing decline inferred. The suitable habitat for Dryopteris macropholis on Nuku Hiva ca. Marquesas Islands: Nuku Hiva. This remarkable new species resembles Dryopteris macrolepidota Copel.

Society Islands collections in the Bishop Museum herbarium identified as Dryopteris dicksonioides Mett. Scales of the rhizomes and stipe bases in Dryopteris macropholis are much larger than in the former two species. Palmer considered Dryopteris dicksonioides synonymous with Dryopteris glabra Brack. Kuntze, an exindusiate species endemic to the Hawaiian Islands. However, the type of Dryopteris dicksonioides is from Tahiti and clearly does not represent Dryopteris glabra Copeland A stipe and part of rhizome B blade C detail of stipe with scales D lower surface of fertile pinnule showing sori E rhizome scale F part of rhizome scale, detail of cells.

Sori 1— 3—6 pairs per segment, supramedial; indusia 0. Known only from Fatu Hiva, Marquesas Islands, in montane wet forest at — m elevation. This new endemic species is apparently rare and localized, known only from the region from Teavapuhiau ridge to Mt. Touaouoho where it grows scattered among other ferns on hillsides in understory of open forest with Alsophila tahitensis , Crossostylis biflora , Cyclophyllum barbatum G. Florence, Freycinetia impavida , Hibiscus tiliaceus , Metrosideros collina , Pandanus sp. We take great pleasure in naming this magnificent new species in honor of Barbara K.

This new species differs from Dryopteris macropholis by the characters noted in the diagnosis above, notably in the ultimate pinnules segments spaced 5—10 mm distant with serrate margins and acute apices.

B1, total extent of occurrence less than km2 ca. The estimated area of occupancy for Dryopteris sweetorum on Fatu Hiva less than 10 km2 is indicated as an endangered environment, threatened by human activity deforestation and fire , feral animals, and invasive plant species, reducing the extent of the forest. Polystichum Roth is a cosmopolitan genus of about species Mabberley Brown and Brown recognized and described a single species from the Marquesas, Polystichum marquesense E. Recent collections from Hiva Oa, Tahuata, and Ua Huka have revealed the presence of two new species which are described below.

Polystichum marquesense differs from both new species in having exindusiate sori and stipes clothed with large, dull brown, ovate, overlapping scales. Key to Polystichum in the Marquesas Islands. Figs 6 14E. A blade B stipe and part of rhizome C lower surface of fertile pinnule showing sori and scales D sorus with indusium and scales E rhizome scale F part of rhizome scale, detail of cells G lower surface of sterile pinnule showing scales.

Drawn from type collection Wood and field images. A Polytsicho marquisensi E. Sori with a peltate indusium 0. This new species occurs at — m elevation in diverse montane wet forest and shrubland dominated by Freycinetia sp. Grant , Boehmeria virgata G. Frodin , Crossostylis biflora , Cyclophyllum barbatum , Ficus prolixa var. It also occurs in transitional mesic to wet forest with Alsophila tahitensis , Crossostylis biflora , Freycinetia sp.

Polystichum kenwoodii grows terrestrially in forest understory or sometimes along boulder-strewn stream beds. We take pleasure in naming this new species for its collector Kenneth R. Wood — , whose excellent collections have contributed greatly to our knowledge of the Marquesas flora. The suitable habitat for Polystichum kenwoodii on Ua Huka ca. Polystichum rapense E.

Figs 7 14F, 15A. A rhizome and stipe B blade C detail of stipe with scales D lower surface of sterile pinnule E lower surface of fertile pinnule showing sori and scales F rhizome scale, outline G part of rhizome scale, detail of cells. Terrestrial ferns ; rhizomes short, erect or suberect, 3—4 cm long, 1. Sori each with a peltate indusium 0. Spores black. Polystichum uahukaense is extremely localized and known from a single population on moist, mossy cliff faces in shade of wet forest with Hibiscus tiliaceus and Pandanus tectorius dominant, at — m. Associated vegetation on cliffs includes Bidens polycephala Sch.

Brownlie , Nephrolepis sp. The main threats to this ecosystem include rockslides and competition with naturalized plant species including Ageratum conyzoides L. Bergius , Psidium guajava L. This new species is named for its only known island of occurrence. B2a, a single population known; b i—iii , habitat continuing decline inferred.

The suitable habitat for Polystichum uahukaense on Ua Huka ca.

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Estimated population size is individuals Wood However, based on overall morphology these two species seem closely allied to each other. Pteris L. In their treatment of southeastern Polynesian pteridophytes, Brown and Brown recognized two indigenous species of Pteris L. Recent collections made by Kenneth R. Wood in conjunction with this project have yielded three additional, very distinctive endemic Pteris species described below.

Wood sp. Figs 8 15B. A habit B lower surface of fertile pinna C sterile pinnule, detail of venation D lower surface of fertile pinnule showing sori E rhizome scale. Ab aliis Marquesas speciebus laminis 1-pinnatis usque ad 1-pinnato-pinnatifidis, apice cum loborum paribus distalibus falcatis, glabris vel glabrescentibus stipitibus differt.

Lithophytic ferns ; rhizomes erect, clumping together, 3—7 cm long,15—22 mm in diameter, clothed in very narrow, golden-brown acicular hairlike scales 1—2 mm long. Fronds erect or arching-pendent, to 30 cm long, clustered at rhizome apex; stipes ca. Sori occasionally interrupted at sinuses and absent at apices of segment; indusia tan-brown with entire margins. Spores tan-brown. This rare species is known only from the type location at m on wet stream walls adjacent to wet forest dominated by Cheirodendron bastardianum , Crossostylis biflora , Metrosideros collina , Weinmannia marquesana var.

The main threats to this habitat are feral pigs and invasives plants including Elephantopus mollis Kunth, Psidium guajava , and Syzygium cumini L. B2a, a single population known; b i—iii , habitat continuing decline inferred; D, population estimated to number fewer than mature individuals.

The suitable habitat for Pteris hivaoaensis on Hiva Oa ca. D, the rarity of this species is supported by the lack of collections and the small extant area within a commonly collected island, i. Pteris hivaoaensis is quite distinct from the other Marquesan Pteris species, differing by its pinnate to pinnate-pinnatifid blades with glabrous or glabrescent stipes and the apex pinnatifid with 6—7 pairs of falcate lobes.

Figs 9 15C, D. A rhizome and stipe bases B fertile blade C lower sterile pinna D lower surface of fertile pinnule showing marginal sori E rhizome scale F part of rhizome scale, detail of cells G detail of stipe scales. Ab aliis Marquesas speciebus laminis 1-pinnatis usque ad 1-pinnato-pinnatifidis, stipitibus dense vestitis cum squamis persistentibus, rigidibus, setiformibus rubro-castaneis differt. Fronds 4—7 per rhizome, clustered at rhizome apex; stipes 60— cm long, 4—6 mm in diameter medially, adaxially grooved, stramineous, densely scaly especially in lower ca. Sori with indusia 1 mm wide, entire, continuous along margins except at serrate apices; sporangia mixed with paraphyses.

Spores medium brown. Pteris marquesensis occurs in wet forest and shrubland with Crossostylis biflora , Freycinetia sp. Other associates include Cyrtandra spp. This new species is named for the Marquesas Islands, where it is known from three islands. Russo Federica Causal webs in epidemiology. Russo Federica Causality in the sciences. Russo Federica Correlational data, causal hypotheses, and validity. Journal for General Philosophy of Science, issue 1, vol. Russo Federica Epistemic causality and evidence-based medicine. History and philosophy of the life sciences, issue 4, vol.

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Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, issue 9, vol. Kaufman Scott Intelligence and Implicit Cognition. Kaufman Scott Self-perceived mating intelligence predicts sexual behavior in college students: empirical validation of a theoretical construct. Imagination, Cognition and Personality, issue 4, vol. Kaufman Scott The effects of mood, cognitive style, and cognitive ability on implicit learning. Learning an Individual Differences, issue 3, vol. Kaufman Scott Understanding the role of working memory on gender differences in spatial skills.

Harvard University Cambridge. Leijnen Stefan, Gabora Liane An agent-based simulation of the effectiveness of creative leadership. Meurs Pieter Merleau-Ponty and Hermeutics. Mithani Murad, Veloz Tomas, Gabora Liane An analysis of context dependency in the recognition and manifestation of entrepreneurial opportunity. November , , Washington DC. Bruza, W. Lawless, K. Kritike, issue 1, vol. Note Nicole The lived aesthetical experience: an entangled event?

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De Looze Karen How long did it take you to learn your language? Issues for the Northern Cheyenne today. Patrick J. De Looze Karen Organ Transplantation: experiences of the body compared. The body in South Asian contexts? De Ronde Christian ? No Entity, No Identity? In the south-east, the area of Arles is bounded by the western arm of the Rhone. The positions of the towns and villages of the three studied areas mentioned in the text have been postponed.

As meteorological data were measured in Marseille, this city has also been labeled. Data other than names of the towns or villages are in italics. Areas identified as wetlands by Cassini were stained in light blue, but the floodplains have not been indicated to not overload the figure. This map shows the great expanses of marsh and swamplands. Adapted from [ 9 ]. In each region, the relative percentage of wetlands is difficult to estimate due, among other reasons, to variations over time.

In the Avignon area, the marshy lands were less numerous than in the two other regions; however, an encyclopedia of the late 18 th century mentioned that wetlands were still covering large areas in the south of the city [ 11 ]. Moreover, the risks of floods due to the Rhone River were high in the lowlands. In the Arles area, the altitude was mostly close to the sea level and ponds occupied a large area.

Draining works were carried out in the 17 th century, but due to willful destruction, flooding or non-maintenance of works, the region remained very marshy [ 12 ]. During the French Revolution approximately , the marshes and ponds around Arles principally those of Arles sensu stricto and of the Baux at the east of Montmajor Abbey had almost recovered their areas of yesteryear [ 13 ]. In a report of , it is noted that there were still immense marshes or ponds near Arles [ 17 ].

Moreover, due to their low altitude, a great part of this area was inundated by floods of the River Rhone. The draining of these marshes was principally accomplished in —50 [ 12 , 18 ]. In the region of the Etang of Berre, several aquatic areas could be found, including the eponymous pond, which is a large lagoon communicating with the Mediterranean Sea, stagnant marshes and ponds and other communications with freshwater flows or with the Etang of Berre [ 19 ]. In , a physician mentioned that most agglomerations were surrounded by several marshes [ 20 ].

In addition, in this area, which was not subject to the vagaries of the Rhone, there could be flooding covering wide ranges of the relatively flat and low-altitude region. Moreover, here as elsewhere, in most of the towns of Provence, there was a great deal of stagnant water. For example, in , a physician said that in Martigues Berre area there was mud extracted from the canals and water rotted in the vicinity of houses, smelly gas emanated from muddy brooks and ruts caused by cartwheels and there was no slope for drainage of water and liquid waste [ 20 ].

The anopheline breeding places could, therefore, be numerous owing to physico-chemical conditions and to the permanence of water. Based solely on geographical and hydrological criteria, the studied area could exhibit a high malaria risk - a point that has been confirmed by contemporary physicians. In western Provence during the second half of the 18 th century, the data are too imprecise to quantify the endemic rate accurately; however, extensive analysis of historical documents from physicians evidenced that the worst region was Berre, suggesting the highest malaria endemic rate [ 21 - 24 ].

The endemic level can be estimated intermediate in Arles and lower in the region of Avignon even if intermittent fevers raged relatively frequently [ 25 ]. However, in a single area, there could be great disparity in endemicity, e. Although meteorological data have been obtained for Marseille, the most populous city in Provence, this town was not integrated into this analysis due to its very complex epidemic constitution [ 26 ].

Moreover, the Camargue, which covers the Rhone River Delta and is still currently the main wetland area of Provence, was not included in the epidemical analyses; indeed, this area was almost totally uninhabited [ 27 ], with a population density of around two inhabitants per km 2 in the s [ 28 ] and so, during the studied period, true epidemics were rarely mentioned by witness authors. However, data which might help to understand the endemo-epidemic situation in Provence were incorporated into this study.

Malaria diagnosis by identification of Plasmodium species using microscopic examination of blood films dates only from the end of the 19 th century and, therefore, before this period historical retrospective diagnosis is always difficult [ 29 ]. However, if data in the ancient texts are sufficiently pertinent, exhaustive analyses can afford to have very strong arguments in favour of the involvement of malaria, even for very old times [ 30 ].

Up until the end of the 19 th century, both residents and visitors to Provence used various names to refer to what is now called malaria. In addition, mentions of successive alternating hot, cold, and sweating stages are useful, but the periodicity and intermittency of the fever fits are the most notable features permitting retrospective diagnosis. Analyses of medical texts of Provence added to other writings demonstrated that in this area, among intermittent fevers, tertian fevers predominated and quartan fevers were rarer [ 25 ].

Moreover, tertian fevers may have variably qualified as benign, malignant, pernicious, etc. Plasmodium vivax and Plasmodium ovale were generally supposed to cause the so-called benign form of tertian fever and P. In Provence, the implication of P. The involvement of P. It is just possible to report that this species persists for a long time in the organism with many relapses and so induces a general weakening of the infected individuals and also that the periodicity of the fevers was most frequently observed during winter, the season when the background noise of other diseases such as gastroenteritis was lower.

In malarious areas of western Provence, malaria was a component of the environment; thus, no great attention was paid to the endemic forms of this disease. Every inhabitant was permanently infected from the day he was born to the day he died, and survival depended principally on acquired immunity [ 34 ] or on the possibility of leaving the region for a healthier one. Moreover, cases of intermittent fevers were mentioned more frequently when they affected wealthy persons than poor; the poor and vulnerable living in the unhealthiest areas were likely the most affected by malaria rather than the wealthy.

In addition, the number of deaths per year for each village was not always known in the earliest periods, and even when it was, the cause of death was not indicated in death registries. However, contrary to malaria endemicity, malaria epidemic episodes were relatively frequently listed and described with proportionately greater numbers of details. Biases are inherent in this type of research that ranges across several centuries, rendering statistical analysis impossible, due, among other factors, to terminology and the scarcity of sources for the earliest periods, as well as due to the fact that the number of epidemics is still lower than the reality because the sources are discontinuous over space and time.

The period from the mid th century to the mid th century corresponds to the most recent time period analysed by Roucaute [ 25 , 31 ], which is the time frame with theoretically more documents with more details. Moreover, in this region, instrumental meteorological records are available since However, the main question concerns the criteria defining a disease episode as a malaria epidemic i.

Foreigners in the studied area, whether physicians or not, may have been surprised by the number of sick individuals and may have interpreted the situation as an epidemic, whereas the numbers only represented the usual victims of endemic malaria. In addition, mentions of epidemics of remittent fevers have been frequently found in the texts [ 19 , 25 ].

In contrast, with intermittent fevers, recurring febrile episodes were separated by times of normal temperature. Several authors since the last part of the 19 th century have considered remittent fevers as a particular form of malaria. In some areas, remittent fevers might almost always be the first manifestation of malaria because they transform over time into intermittent fevers; in addition, some of these remittent fevers resemble continuous fevers, but with fits similar to those of simple tertian fevers [ 2 , 36 ].

In this study, if a significant number of mentions of intermittent fevers was not associated with these epidemics, these have not been included in the dataset. A similar approach has been taken with regard to malignant or pernicious fevers. This approach shows that it is necessary to critically consider all the terms mentioned in the texts because historical data on diseases and medical events are difficult to analyse, especially at times when the malaria pathogen was not known. However, even if other causes of mortality and morbidity contributed to the deterioration of the health situation, Gayte and Nicoli [ 18 ] have shown that, at least in Provence, precise symptomatic tables permit to incriminate malaria in a reliable manner.

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Number of malaria epidemics in western Provence. The number was given by area and by decade from to Precise data concerning malaria epidemics in Provence since the mid 18 th century can be found in various works of synthesis of the 20 th century made by historians, physicians and pharmacists who made critical analyses [ 18 , 19 , 25 , 31 , 37 ].

However, it is very difficult to estimate the morbidity and mortality rates during malaria epidemics in Provence, even when data were provided by primary sources, and even if the witnesses were of good faith and rigorous, these latter should always be used with caution. For example, patients in hospitals might come from more or less distant areas and they could be counted in the number of fatalities of the town after their death. To estimate the mortality rate, it is necessary to know the number of inhabitants, or this would be inaccurate.

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The data may be more accurate in villages than in cities because there was no hospital, fewer people were unaccounted for because they were needy and, generally, as most of the people were not wealthy, few individuals were fleeing the place during the epidemic. In addition, when the number of deaths was given during an epidemic, it may represent persons dying from all causes.

However, despite all of these restrictions, historical data indicate that malaria epidemics of the period — had very high morbidity and mortality rates in urban populations. Two examples, provided from accurate records of physicians or surgeons and evidenced by the intensity of the morbidity rate, are mentioned below. During the summer of , intermittent fevers were so prevalent that they struck down almost the entire population of Berre and some remained ill for several months to a year [ 22 ]. During the autumn of the same year, These data were compiled by Pichard and Roucaute [ 38 - 40 ].

The data cover the periods starting in and for temperature and rainfall, respectively, and, therefore, allow the analysis of the period of the epidemic breakpoint dated in the s. According to the periods, recordings were made in two different stations but close to each other: Catelin from to and the Observatory of the Accouters from to and in dissimilar conditions e.

However, as the measurements overlap during certain periods, homogenization of the data was feasible. Next, the common periods to and to were used to calibrate a model to deduce most of the missing temperatures that would have been recorded in Marseille, given those measured in Avignon. Hence, no data can been found in the region for the period to Consequently, the missing values were merely replaced by the associated monthly means Additional file 2. The rainfall data for Marseille come also from two different databases.

To homogenize the data, data from the shared period to of both databases was used to calibrate a model to deduce the rainfall data used in this article Additional file 2. In this study, even if daily rainfall and mean temperature data were available for almost all the years, usually only monthly rainfalls and mean temperatures monthly data were used. Several socio-economic variables known to influence the course of malaria were also analysed, this is mainly social events, data concerning agriculture as cattle practice [ 41 ], freeze of olive-trees [ 42 - 44 ], rice cultivation [ 41 , 45 ] and civil engineering works [ 25 , 37 , 46 , 47 ] Additional file 1.

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Recent studies have suggested that malaria was basically a sociological disease for which household size and housing standard appeared to correlate very closely over a long interval with the decline in malaria cases [ 48 - 50 ]. However, in Provence, during the period studied, despite extensive research, there were too many temporal and spatial gaps to be able to carry out correctly this type of statistical analysis.

Homogenized monthly total rainfall and mean temperature for Marseille were analysed to estimate the influence of weather conditions on malaria epidemics. Note that data from November and December of the previous year have been used. Similarly, various other factors linked to climate e. The presence of epidemics during the previous year was also considered as an explanatory variable. First, the effect of several factors on epidemics was analysed using classical tests: the Chi-squared test of independence for binary factors e.

A simple linear model was used to test the correlation between two continuous factors. Next, multivariate analyses were performed to summarize the data. Note that principal components are interpreted thanks to the angles between the arrows pointing for any quantitative variable and the principal components since the cosinus values equal the correlation coefficients. The binary epidemic factor was used as a supplementary variable, and the associated ellipses were added in order to illustrate data consistence.

The smaller is the ellipse, the more homogeneous are meteorological variables for the associated years. Finally, time series theory has been used to model temperature before the epidemic breakpoint in order to compare the forecasts with the observed data. The obtained white noise model was validated with Ljung-Box test and residuals normality was tested using Shapiro-Wilk and Jarque-Bera tests. In this case, predictions are all the mean value and twice the standard deviation estimated by maximum likelihood provides the fluctuation interval. The precise timing of the malarial endemic recession, and its declining impact on mortality, certainly seems to have varied from one marshland area to another.

Gayte and Nicoli [ 18 ] noted that the decline of endemic malaria in all the regions most likely began in the late 18 th century and continued gradually decreasing until , a period when the disease became relatively rare, if Camargue was excluded. Furthermore, as the latter authors emphasized, scientific and rational methods of fighting malaria began only around in this region. However, the decline in endemicity was weaker than some authors have assumed. There was often a tendency to forget over time the severity of malaria endemicity or even of epidemic episodes; thus, when possible, the most contemporary documents of the epidemic episode in question must be used.

Some authors, who are rarely physicians, could have denied that the health situation was deleterious during the period in which they lived for several reasons [ 15 , 46 , 60 ]. Some of them are economic, as they wanted that their home regions to be considered attractive. It was, therefore, necessary to critically analyse the largest number of contemporary documents for a given period. Moreover, it is only in comparison with the intense malaria in some areas that other regions appeared extremely healthy. Accurate analyses have shown that the number of potential malarial reservoirs remained high in the early 19 th century, even in the Avignon area, people were annually infected by intermittent fevers, although malignant and fatal fevers had become very rare [ 61 ].

Moreover, in the area of Arles of the mid th century and in Camargue later , the number of individuals with acquired immunity was most likely still high [ 62 , 63 ] and the life expectancy was still very low [ 64 ]. However, the decreasing malaria pressure was real. It was also noted as surprising that in the late s to early s, the cleaning of channels in both Arles and Tarascon - an operation dreaded by the population that could only be performed in summer due to the low water levels - was performed without manifestation of intermittent fevers, contrary to parts of Berre [ 67 ].

In the first half of the 19 th century, the endemic pressure exerted by malaria also continued to decline in the area of Berre but did so more slowly. In , a physician of this zone reported that whereas many diseases other than malaria could end with intermittent fevers, these fevers could either precede these same diseases or accompany them [ 20 ]. Moreover, a study concerning Berre during the years — showed that intermittent fevers were still very common, but were less dangerous than observed previously [ 68 ].

These fevers were less severe and non-lethal, and they could be cured by quinine; this improvement was attributed to the drying of many marshes that existed in the vicinity of Berre. Indirect data corroborate this decrease in endemic malaria; e. Two other elements also suggest that the parasite was well on the decline. Mortality crises, even if they were rare, did occur but could not stop population growth significantly, despite that during this period, a canal was constructed from Arles to Bouc and there was population flux from highly malarious areas of Italy settling around the Etang of Berre [ 69 ].

Moreover, the relatively more frequent mentions of the number of quartan fevers during winter, and even sometimes during summer since the first half of the 19 th century [ 25 ], most likely correlated with a decrease in the rate of P. Detailed analyses of climatic factors will be studied later, but at this stage, the possibility of outdoor sporogony in Provence needs to be addressed.

Temperature is critical to the spread of malaria as it plays a role in the development of both anophelines and Plasmodium. The impact of temperature on the sporogonic development of Plasmodium parasites within insect vectors is well documented. Grassi and MacDonald estimated threshold temperatures under which the sporogonic development is not completed, but these figures are not precise thresholds and may vary from between The lowest average temperatures recorded in July and August were respectively The sporogony of P. The development of P.

Moreover, when taking into account both the mosquito and parasite life-history traits to temperature, the minimal temperature could be higher than those for sporogony alone, e. Therefore, if the complete development of P. The period of transmission of P. Relapses could be observed in November and December. This seasonality was also mentioned when the endemic declined as in the s in Arles [ 66 ].

Marseille climate diagram for the — period. Average temperatures solid line and precipitation broken line. The horizontal blue and red lines indicate minimal temperatures required for P. These figures are not precise thresholds, but they illustrate a climate above which temperatures are generally favourable for transmission. Mean temperatures in June and September at Marseille. The horizontal red line indicates minimal temperature required for P.

In addition, according to the model of Mordecai et al. The climate diagram indicates that theoretical favourable temperature conditions can be generally found between June and September for both P. Considering that the complete sporogony for P. The cycle of P. Thus, taking into account the ecology of the anophelines, the number of potential generations by year was null or one.

This species can only be transmitted by long-lived vectors, which explain why it is less prevalent than P. Based only on the criterion of temperature, in western Provence the transmission of P. However, as parameters other than temperature are needed to allow transmission of Plasmodium to human by anopheline bite e. Several analyses have shown that in historical Europe and in other continents where endemic malaria conditions occurred, the malaria-related mortality was an indirect result of the effects of malaria infection combined with other infections and conditions [ 33 , 59 , 76 - 79 ].

Indeed, after the reduction of malaria transmission, reductions in total mortality rates were observed to be several times greater than the malaria-related death rates estimated prior to the interventions [ 80 , 81 ]. Some of this discrepancy may be due to failures to detect or account for all the deaths for which malaria was an apparent cause. Due to the lack of intermittent temperature monitoring during for example, primary infection, multiple infections by various Plasmodium agents and co-infections with other infectious agents, malaria was not diagnosed.

In Provence, most of the excess deaths were associated with, but not directly due to, the presence of malaria [ 24 , 25 ]. These deaths may be due to the predisposing effects of this infection to cause death from other conditions, such as gastro-intestinal disorders [ 33 ]. Moreover, following the summer-autumnal infectious period, numerous people who had suffered from severe malaria were undermined during the following winter and, therefore, could be more susceptible to other diseases.

In addition, many people were still suffering from malaria during the winter. Detailed contemporary studies have demonstrated, as in the case of the gastro-intestinal diseases, those death rates from respiratory diseases alone are much lower than the death rates when malaria is also present [ 33 ]. In historical studies, the malaria-specific mortality rates do not represent an accurate index. First, the cause is rarely known, as was the case in Provence during the studied period. Second, contrary to the total rates, malaria mortality rates do not have the added advantage of reflecting both the direct and indirect effects of the disease.

Thus, only indirect methods for estimating the malarial effects on mortality, such as comparing overall mortality levels most simply by crude death rates , are useful. These indirect methods have been chosen by professional malariologists [ 33 , 59 , 77 ]; it is the same with this study but only for epidemic episodes. Recurrent infections with any species of malarial parasite can be so debilitating that life expectancy can be reduced to half or less of that in a contemporary malaria-free and otherwise salubrious environment [ 82 , 83 ].

In the 19 th century, even if the period of the great epidemics of malaria had ceased, the pressure exerted by endemic malaria was still important. However, despite the risks, malarial areas have often been very attractive to inhabitants [ 32 , 82 , 86 , 87 ] due to the richness of the marsh soil, sometimes being the only places where the poor — generally, but not necessarily, men — could find work.

Moreover, in these areas, people were resigned and fatalistic, and fevers constituted an intrinsic part of their lives [ 86 , 88 , 89 ]. In severely malarial endemic districts, direct and indirect mortality summed to a substantial reduction in the fecundity of a population due to abortions, greatly contributing to depopulation due to malaria [ 81 ]. For example, with regard to human beings, sink populations have been described in past Italian and English marsh areas [ 33 , 87 , 90 , 91 ]. Similarly, since the 18 th century, populations with these characteristics have also been described in various past malarious areas of France [ 1 ] including those of Provence [ 92 , 93 ].

In endemic areas of Provence, frequently in the second half of the 18 th century and even in the beginning of the 19 th century, the number of deaths significantly exceeded births [ 19 , 25 , 37 , 68 , 94 , 95 ]. After repeated bouts of malaria in a relatively short period of time, an individual develops a non-sterilizing immunity that does not prevent parasites from developing and circulating in the blood after a new inoculation, but does generally suppress the development of severe clinical symptoms [ 96 ]. Within an indigenous population, this partial protective immunity is generally acquired during early childhood, although at the expense of a heavy tribute in this age group.

Subsequently, mortality rates in older children, teenagers and adults are far lower, except in pregnant women. However, acquiring such a state of premunition against malaria is a short-lived process, requiring continuous reinfections under high endemic conditions for maintenance.

The acquisition of antiparasitic immunity, which is generally strain-specific [ 97 ], requires that an individual be habitually subjected to a succession of inoculations of parasites that are genetically and antigenically distinct. Only when a sufficiently wide spectrum of such parasite strains has been experienced is effective immunity achieved against all the parasites within a locality where an infection is endemic [ 81 ].


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The arguments in favour of relative immunity in the indigenous population of Provence are numerous. For example, in some epidemics, only foreigners to the region were affected by malaria e. The inhabitants of villages that were located at higher altitudes than those of surrounding high endemic areas were particularly susceptible to malaria, which apparently always triggered an epidemic form [ 25 , 99 , ]. The urban wealthy could be more sensitive in terms of morbidity to malaria. In the rice-fields of Camargue, foreign workers were more afflicted by fevers than were natives, even those coming from highly malarious areas such as Italy in the 19 th century.

This last example shows that, at least in this case, the acquired immunity seems to be strain-specific. Moreover, this information suggests that, in Provence, foreigners knew the risks they took in coming to work in swampy areas and that they were more susceptible to malaria than the natives [ 25 ]. Similarly, during the last part of the LIA, in marshy areas of England, the frequency of malaria attacks and their highest incidence among the non-immune sector of the population children and foreigners reflected the high level of endemic malaria [ 59 ].

Intuitively and empirically, the concept of premunition was understood by early observers, such as in by a physician in the region of Berre [ 20 ]. This author also mentioned people living with impunity in the midst of swamps, whereas others living in very healthy areas suffered from intermittent fevers, even if they were wealthy. Due to temperature conditions in northern countries or during a cold period, such as the LIA, malaria transmission could continue as it mainly occurred in indoor conditions due to the transmission of sporozoites throughout the winter by semiactive hibernating mosquitoes; thus, malaria could be relatively independent of outdoor temperature conditions [ ].

An indoor transmission cycle in the Netherlands during the beginning of the 20 th century was described in detail by Swellengrebel and de Buck [ 29 ]. This mechanism of infection would also play a significant role in the marshy areas of England during the LIA [ 59 ]. Despite the severity of the temperatures, malaria could be still transmitted by Anopheles maculipennis s.

Indoor transmission could explain that in Europe, during the LIA, malaria appeared, if not to move further northwards, at least to remain in the high northern areas [ , ]. In the summer, the parasites were dormant, which was crucial for maintaining the Plasmodium until the presence of the next generation of anopheline females. Moreover, when it is thermally possible, indoor transmission can coexist with outdoor summer transmission.

However, in Provence, even during the LIA, the climate was relatively mild without sustainable extreme temperatures during summer. This trend can explain the seasonality of malaria in this area. Generally, endemic malaria was only observed during approximately three months from mid-summer to autumn [ 25 , ], whereas spring intermittent fevers were usually rare and benign [ ]. Moreover, during epidemics of malaria, the peak was almost always observed in the summer-autumn period [ 25 ].

All these elements taken together suggest that indoor transmission of sporozoites throughout the winter by semiactive hibernating mosquitoes was rare, if not excluded. Moreover, temporal data suggest that indoor transmission could occur, but mainly when outside temperatures allowed outdoor transmissions. Malaria transmission is facilitated when large numbers of people sleep outdoors during hot weather, or sleep in houses that have no protection against mosquito invasion.

Farm workers often slept out in the fields during the harvest, where they were very vulnerable to mosquito bites. The vulnerability of farm workers to malaria infection during the harvest has frequently been noted in Italy and other Mediterranean countries and, indeed, all over the world, wherever malaria occurs [ 33 ]. However, while in Italy peasants suffered frequently from pernicious malaria due to P. In western Provence, during the beginning of the 19 th century, a physician reported that many farmers had been observed to suffer from fevers after sleeping outdoors to guard the harvest before threshing [ 20 ].

In addition, the seasonal workers who performed harvest and other fieldwork in the regions of Arles and of Berre were accused, probably rightly, of introducing malaria on their return to safe areas, including to middle altitude villages [ 85 , , ]. Moreover, each year in late July, 3, to 4, poor people around Arles would steal during two months in the salt marshes of Camargue, themselves infected with fevers, and upon their return would contaminate people in Arles [ 27 , ]. These nocturnal outdoor infections played an important role in the local diffusion of malaria.

Although historical data rarely give indications on this subject, generally in western Provence, the incubation period was short one to three weeks with a series of relapses at more or less short intervals, which corresponds, according to one of the classifications of Type I P. This last type, for which the spring peak of malaria was the result of infections in the previous year, was known in northern Europe, for instance, in the Netherlands, Germany, Scandinavia and Central Russia [ ]. In historical England, latent primary infections and relapses could also cause spring malaria and even deaths [ 59 , ].

In Provence which is a southern area, P. However, on the basis of the relative low number of mentions of spring fevers, if these strains were present, they would at least be a minority during non-epidemic periods. In addition, mentions of spring fevers most likely reflected malaria relapses than latent primary attacks. Moreover, in Provence, the relatively frequent mentions of quartan fevers during winter also suggest that during this season, tertian fever relapses were rare [ 25 ].

Although the worldwide spread of malaria is dependent on the presence of vectors, it has always been and still is contingent on human beings and human activities , and the flux of infected people from endemic areas can play a role in the spread of malaria [ ]. The proportion of imported malaria cases due to immigrants in Europe has increased during the last decades, with higher rates associated with settled immigrants who travel to visit relatives in their country of origin [ ].

No doubt in the past, foreigners and the French returning from endemic areas also played a role in the spread of Plasmodium. For example, even if western Provence was not concerned, during the malaria epidemics in French rice fields in , new strains of P. Even if mass population flux did not occur in Provence, returns or arrivals of people from endemic areas must be mentioned as there are several proofs, both experimentally and in the field, of the healthy human carrier as a source of anopheline infection [ 29 ].

During great trade fairs held each year, and more often during the season most favourable to the spread of malaria, there was a flow of people from outside the studied area. Moreover, during the Republican and Imperial wars — , the traffic and return of potentially infected soldiers from highly endemic countries such as Italy, Spain, Flanders, or Egypt [ - ] could have permitted the introduction of new strains of Plasmodium , but this point did not result in epidemics in Provence.

However, this trend occurred during the period when great malaria epidemics had ceased i. Similarly, no increased number of autochthonous malaria cases was observed in Provence, although for example, in s and s, 16 soldiers who were mainly suffering from malaria were transferred from Algeria [ , ]. These data suggest that during the period of the decline of malaria in Provence, the conditions were not conductive to the spread of alien strains of Plasmodium.

However, the hypothesis implicating a decreased number of Anopheles vectors in the decline of malaria in Provence was refuted for eastern Provence, as even in the 19 th century, short-distance travels of infected individuals played a role in the spread of malaria that had not failed to be observed by locals.

Due to intermittent fever pressure, there was a continuous lack of manpower for farm work in Arles, and residents of neighboring regions were needed [ 85 ], with those from mountainous areas particularly sensitive to malaria. Thus, it is not surprising that except during some epidemics and in highly endemic areas, fevers most often preferentially affected day labourers [ 85 , ] who, depending on the year, constituted most of the patients who presented for treatment with intermittent fevers in a Marseille hospital [ ].

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