Entrevistas (Spanish Edition)

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The social support behavior was evaluated by women before and after the intervention through the Social Support Scale. Eighteen women and 18 caregivers participated in the study. The social support of women was higher for both the emotional and the instrumental dimensions of the Social Support Scale after the intervention of Brief Motivational Interviewing with caregivers.

These findings contribute to the clinical practice of several professional categories in the use of low-cost intervention strategies for improvement of the quality of life during and after treatment of women with breast cancer. The intervention positively promoted behavioral change by improving the social support provided by caregivers to breast cancer patients undergoing chemotherapy. Mientras habla, a menudo cierra los ojos en busca de las palabras adecuadas.


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Siempre era una pelea". Poco a poco aprendimos a dejar que las cosas sucedieran, a no tener un plan. Encadena ideas, avanza sin parar como si temiera dejar el tema sin resolver.

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Y por fin, queda en silencio. Es normal para la gente hablarme, venir a la mesa en un restaurante y bla bla No es normal normal, en realidad. Pero me siento muy agradecido, soy feliz de la hostia. My old friend Deirdre McCloskey has been tutoring the mainstream profession for decades about this matter, but professional practice in this regard continues much as it has for decades.

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Of course, the preceding misgivings that I developed about mainstream economics were only heightened by my continuing self-education in Austrian economics. The upshot has been that over the years, I have done less and less econometrics, and more and more conceptual and analytical interpretation and criticism of established beliefs and practices. To say that I no longer fit in well in the mainstream profession would be a great understatement, although I have been pleased that some of my old friends and colleagues in the mainstream have stuck with me and paid attention to my work.

The PhD students I trained at Washington have been completely loyal, and lifelong friends, as well, which brings me tremendous satisfaction. None of them, however, has become an Austrian. I did not have North as a professor, but he and I were colleagues at the University of Washington from to , when both of us left that university to take other positions.

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One reason I took the job in Seattle in , however, was because North was already there, and I relished the idea of learning from him and perhaps receiving some mentoring, as well. Over the years, he helped me in many important ways, for which I shall always be grateful, and we remain friends today. Doug wrote the foreword to Government and the American Economy , the Festschrift in my honor published by the University of Chicago Press in North's influence on me had more to do with stimulating my interest in certain subjects than with teaching me specific methods of analysis or historical conclusions.

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In the s, Doug was regarded as perhaps the leading expert in "government and the economy" among the economic historians, and after working with him for a decade or so, I became interested in that area, too. Of course, his interest in institutions and in the creation of what became known later as the "new institutional economics" also influenced me greatly, although the theoretical core of this research program came more from other colleagues at Washington, Yoram Barzel and Steven N.

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Yes, they should. Whether one is a neoclassical economist or an Austrian economist, there is much of value in this new field. In reality, all social behavior is shaped by the institutional environment in which the actors are situated. For a long time, neoclassical economics was essentially "institution-free," and as a result, mainstream economists made major errors in interpreting a variety of institutions e.

Of course, certain aspects of the new institutional economics cannot be accepted by Austrians because they clash with basic Austrian methods and understandings. Nevertheless, anyone who seeks to understand the empirical reality of complex institutions and events can gain something of value from the best work in the new institutional economics.

They have greatly surpassed their teacher, and I am immensely proud of their accomplishments. My own work in this area has included a number of studies of farm tenancy and related contracts for the use of farm land and labor; race relations in the US South; anti-Japanese land laws in the Pacific coast states; fishery regulation in Washington and Alaska; soft price controls during the Carter administration; the military-industrial-congressional complex; US international trade and finance sanctions; FDA regulation of drugs and medical devices; and "externality" management in the Northwest metal mining industry; among other things.

My work in these areas has had some influence among mainstream economists and economic historians, but remains largely unknown to or ignored by Austrians.

La Entrevista, San Juan de los Terreros

In my work, the ratchet effect describes the characteristic way in which government under modern ideological conditions grows during a perceived national emergency. The government's size, scope, and power grow abruptly as the government acts to "do something" to allay the threat. Then, as the threat is eliminated or diminished, the government shrinks, but not all the way to the level it would have reached if the crisis had not occurred.

Hence, each crisis shifts the government's growth trajectory to a higher level of size, scope, and power. In my formulation, the reasons for the ratchet are several: one is political and legal inertia; another is institutional persistence brought about by those who operate or benefit from crisis-spawned government agencies or authority; and still another — perhaps the most important — is institutional change associated with the public's becoming accustomed to the exercise of new government powers and with the government's concurrent efforts to justify its exercise of these powers.


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  • Other economists and historians had described a ratchet effect, but most of them confined it to fiscal growth, and none of them developed its ideological aspect in the same detail that I have. The ideological change engendered by seemingly successful passage through a major crisis then predisposes the government to create and the public to accept even greater growth of government when the next crisis occurs. I disagree with Friedman and Schwartz in that I believe that Fed actions during the s caused widespread malinvestment in longer-lived capital projects, such as real-estate developments, residential housing, and large office buildings, and thereby guaranteed that some kind of serious restructuring would have to be made eventually, perhaps in the form of a widespread bust, with its related bankruptcies.

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