Comanche Society: Before the Reservation (Elma Dill Russell Spencer Series in the West and Southwest)

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From their time on the Southern Plains during Native American dominance, they knew the grass- lands could easily feed tens of thousands of sheep. One of these communities was Atascosa later changed to Tascosa , established in as the irst substantial town of the Texas Panhandle. Having known Palo Duro Canyon from their time as coman- cheros and ciboleros, pastores made it part of their grazing lands.

Goodnight met Adair, a British aristocrat who had moved to the US West in search of ranch investments, soon after the initial es- tablishment of the ranch. After losing his wealth during the panic of , Goodnight needed capital to oicially claim Palo Duro Canyon and to transform it into a center of cattle commerce. With the backing of an international investor, Goodnight aimed to control the natural resources of the Palo Duro Canyon and the lands sur- rounding it.

From the founding of the JA Ranch onward, investors as well as their cowboy laborers trans- formed the Southern Plains into a tapestry of cattle ranches. However, by Goodnight divested from the JA. Endnotes 1. Clemons, For a description of plains thunderstorms, see Dan Flores, Caprock Can- yonlands, Kerr, ; Clemons, ; Robert H.

When considering these various groups, particular attention will be paid to those human stories of the Palo Duro Canyon least studied or acknowledged by historians in order help construct a more complete historiography of the canyon and the larger Southern Plains. For more on the multidisciplinary study of cultural ecology, see Mark Q. Sutton and E. William H. Mathews III, 3. Ibid, 3, 25; Bruce Gerdes to unknown, n.

Brune, Horgan, Great River, 35; Douglas K.

Comanche Society: Before the Reservation

Ibid, Donald C. Plains Indi- ans, A. Judith A. See W. Griggs, Habicht-Mauche, See Carrol L. Boyd, Ibid, ; Douglas B. Boyd, ; Habicht-Mauche, ; Brooks, , See Victoria D.

The Woolly West

Ralph H. Vigil and John R. Vigil, Frances W. Kaye, and John R. Wunder Niwot: University Press of Colorado, , Agapito Rey and George P. Hammond, vol. Habicht-Mauche, ; Boyd, , Declaration of Juan Tinde et al. Ibid; Brooks, 50, , Brooks, Such change earnestly began with the irst permanent colonization of what is now New Mexico in April See David J.

Beginning after , by the mid-eighteenth century, the trade and use of horses had reached what is today the Canadian Great Plains. Newcomb, Jr. Habicht-Mauche, ; Brooks, 28; Boyd, , ; Newcomb, Noel M. Loomis and Abraham P. Elizabeth A. John, trans. Nasatir Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, , See Griggs, ; A. The Nature of Comanche Economics. An Explanation of Comanche Violence. A Discussion of Theoretical Issues. A Timeline of Comanche History Glossary of Spanish Terms.

He holds a Ph. Comanche Kinship and Society. He sent a peaceful delegation to these people to open negotiations for better relations. They succeeded in the undertaking and a delegation of Apaches came to the Pueblo of Santa Clara for a conference. It was probably after this meeting that Fray Martin de Arvide "entered this na- tion at the extreme end," 18 that is, the Province of Navaho. The years passed with missionary work confined to the Pueblo people. The Navahos carried on as usual, sometimes trading with the settled Indians, and occasionally warding Mexico, Teatro Mexicano, vol.

Fray Martin de Arvide, with permission from Fray Alonso and by authority of Governor Phelipe Sotelo Ossorio , had earlier succeeded in restoring the wandering Jemez people to their former settled status. Benavides 16S4, p. When the individual Pueblo person could no longer suffer the imposi- tions of his new masters, he fled "to the heathen, believing that they enjoy greater happiness with them, since they live according to their whims, and in complete freedom.

The presence of aggrieved Pueblo refugees among the Navahos no doubt acted as an incitement to raiding the settled people; and to distinguish between Spanish and Pueblo or friend and foe was impossible because the two were so closely interlocked. The Spanish conquerors drew heavily on Pueblo manpower for both defense and aggression against the frontier foe.

So there were more inducements for the frontier people to attack their settled neighbors than stories of hardships suffered at the hands of the Spanish as related by refugees. Furthermore, "The cause of the in- creasing enmity was doubtless resentment against the com- mon practice of seizing Apache and Navaho boys and girls by Spaniards during trading expeditions to the lands of these tribes, in order to impress them into service on the ranches or as house servants, and to sell them as slaves in the labor markets of New Spain.

A pueblo dwelling was also a fortification, and very difficult to capture as the Spaniards themselves had learned from ex- Washington: Car- negie Institution of Washington, Prada was Commissary-General of New Spain. In preparation for writing his report, he consulted missionary eyewitnesses, either personal or by correspondence. These supplies could have been obtained more easily by peaceful barter.

They were responsible for guard- ing the missions, the settlers, and escorting travelers. They only numbered about thirty-five in the first part of the cen- tury. Their ranks were strengthened, when necessary, by a levy on the Pueblo folk and Spanish settlers. All told there were about Spaniards able to bear arms.

The Spaniards felt themselves to be on the defensive, and usually insuffi- ciently armed. They even fell short of horseshoes in the 's and could not make punitive expeditions because the enemy "lives in rough mountainous country and on stony mesas " The description certainly points the finger of suspicion at the Navahos who lived in just such a country. Cf : "All the information which we have from regions other than the Southwest indicates that prior to the introduction of the horse, American nomads were impotent against settled agricultural groups.

The assured food supply of the latter gave them an overwhelming superiority of numbers, while they were better organized and at least equally well armed and mobile. Hackett, Historical Documents, 3 Benavides 16SO, p. Hackett, Historical Documents, 3 ; see also p. Benavides , p. Sometime during that year. Fray Alonso de Benavides recorded that the Navahos as- sembled at one time more than thirty thousand warriors. The figure is nonsense, of course, but he went on to explain that "This is a very conservative estimate, because the sargento mayor of the Spanish soldiers told me that once when he had fought them in a war he had seen more than two hundred thousand, as near as he could estimate.

Drawing upon his memory in for events of forty years in the past, Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, distinguished soldier in seventeenth century New Mexico, related that, "He knows particularly that [Gov. Ayer Collection transcript, Newberry Library, Chicago. The Cabildo at Santa Fe was actually in power from the fall of to the fall of Charles Wilson Hackett, ed. The inference is strengthened by the fact that a mere three or four years earlier the Navahos were probably a direct target of military action.

Despite the juris- dictional strife between the Church and State in the seven- teenth century, the Friars were not above helping the civil arm in controlling the troublesome frontier people, so on one occasion "The prelate [Custodian Hernando de Cova- rrubias] also aided the governor in other ways, such as lend- ing horses for a campaign against the Navahos and Pacheco [Governor Alonso Pacheco de Heredia, ] expressed warm appreciation of such whole-hearted cooperation.

The microfilms will be cited hereafter as New Mexico Archives. In Gov. Fernando de Argflello, "For these crimes hanged, whipped, and im- prisoned more than forty Indians, all of whom were Jemez and were associated with the Apache enemies. The enlarged microfilm copy in the New Mexico Archives does not have the original pagination, so the photo number must be used for specific page reference.

A portion of the "Extracto" can be found in A. Mexico, Juan Dominguez de Mendoza arrived in New Mexico in at the tender age of twelve.

Full text of "New Mexico historical review"

Escalante, op. Scholes, "Church and State. Biblioteca National de Madrid, ms. I am indebted to France V. Scholes and Eleanor B. Adams for the use of these translations from a microfilm.

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The documents are a part of the Juan Dominguez de Mendoza papers which they plan to publish in the Coronado Historical Series. They will be cited hereafter as Dominguez Papers. The plan was revealed by Apaches who had seized a herd of mares. Overtaken by Captain Alonso Baca, they in- formed him that the Indians of the pueblos of Alameda and Sandia had delivered the stock to them as part of the bargain made for the alliance. The "following" year the Navahos ambushed the people of Jemez killing nineteen and taking captive thirty- five.

Retaliation was in order, and again Juan Dominguez took the field. One moment they were hanged for conspiring against the Spanish in alliance with the Navahos or other Apaches. The next moment their sometime friends ambushed them. This situation can be attributed to a lack of unity among the Navahos. When Governor Bernardo Lopez de Mendizabal assumed office, he was of the opinion that it would be necessary to punish the Apaches "and lay waste their sow- ings," all because they had failed to reaffirm the peace at the beginning of his government as they had done in the time of his predecessors.

Declaration of Diego L6pez, December 22, Hackett and Shelby, Revolt. Dominguez' statement in Racket and Shelby, Revolt. Commission issued to Dominguez, op. The latter term bears a similarity to the name Manasea as used by Benavides in reference to the Apache Navaho. Dominguez also campaigned against the eastern Apaches. Scholes, "Troublous Times. Dominguez Papers, photos , doc. Commission issued to Juan Dominguez. Dominguez Papers, photo 30, doc. Juan Dominguez led his troops on a campaign to "the Rio Grande, where severe punishment was again meted out to the Apache enemies, many of whom were captured and killed.

He com- mitted an act that seems beyond the capacity of ordinary men, but was convicted on the charge at the close of office : "Lopez intensified the hostility of the Apaches by acts of treachery. For example, certain Apache warriors were per- mitted to come in peace to Jemez, only to be cut down and killed by the governor's order. An expedition was then sent out immediately to seize the women and children who had been left behind. This action was partly due to the "need for a more active defensive policy in the lower area where the Apaches were especially active. The episode is retold with the state- ment, "having induced a group of Apache Navaho warriors" to visit Jemez in peace.

Scholes, "Civil Government. The Pueblo of Taos was also listed as the site of similar action. Dominguez Papers, photo 29, doc. The Piro Pueblos in the region of Senecu near present day Socorro were involved in the intrigues with the Apaches of the Southwest. Whenever they may come to trade they may do so, stopping outside, so as to avoid inconveniences that might result of informing themselves of our forces.

And nature added to the difficulties of the times with crop shortages which reduced both the Pueblo people and the Spanish settlers to a starvation diet, sometimes resulting in death. The Apaches continued to be troublesome. They "hurl themselves at danger like people who know no God nor that there is any hell. The great drought of the late 's was followed by a pestilence in which carried off both cattle and people. The next year the Apaches were again on the war path. Of particular significance for the future history of the nomads was the onslaught on the livestock in the Rio Grande Valley.

The Apaches to the east, southeast, Testimony of Captain Nicolas de Aguilar, May 11, Hackett, Historical Documents. The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, 2 Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, p. San Francisco, New Mexico Archives, , doe. It is quite possible that the well-known livestock especially sheep holdings of the Navaho Apaches in the eighteenth century had their origins in these years immediately preceding the pueblo uprising 42 because of their more settled way of life.

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  8. It is certain that the Navahos were active in contributing to the general distress during this decade. In addition to cam- paigns against the Apaches to the east and southwest of Puebloland, Dominguez was commissioned by Governor Juan Francisco de Trevino in September of to campaign against the enemy "to the Cordilleras of Navajo, Casa Fuerte, and the other places necessary" 43 to punish them and check their marauding.

    And again in a full- scale attack was launched by Governor Antonio de Otermin Juan Dominguez once more was the com- mander. With a detachment of fifty mounted Spanish fighters and Pueblo allies, he was instructed to follow the trails leading westward from Zia Pueblo "to the Cordilleras of Casa Fuerte Navajo, Rio Grande, and their districts," returning by way of the mountains of Piedra Alumbre, a jumping off point for enemy forces bent on raiding the Rio Arriba.

    He succeeded in destroying some crops and capturing thirteen horses. He achieved marked success, al- though of an impermanent nature : "He burned and destroyed Petition [of Fray Francisco de Ayeta. Mexico, May 10, ]. Hackett, Historical Documents See also Fray Francisco in A. Or see quotation in Licenciado D.

    Martin de Solis Miranda to Exmo.

    Texas Graveyards A Cultural Legacy Elma Dill Russell Spencer Foundation Series

    Sefior, September 5, Francisco Fernandez Marsilyo, October 2, , quoted in Historia 25, f! The latter had a more fruitful field for raiding in the Rio Grande Valley. Vetancurt, Menologio, 4 f, merely accuses "los barbaros. A re- examination of the evidence can be found in Eleanor B. September 24, Photos , doc.

    Never- theless, adding crimes to crimes, they lay in ambush at the Pefion de San Esteban de Acoma where they destroyed some sowings, killed an Indian, and attempted to destroy the said pueblo and stronghold. In the summer of , a pincer movement was planned against them.

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    Maestre de Campo Francisco Xavier led a force westward from Taos with in- structions to cooperate with and eventually join another force led by Dominguez westward from Zia Pueblo. Any Navahos lurking in the mountainous country north of the Chama Valley would be driven westward as the other Span- ish force invaded their homeland and turned eastward.

    A probable meeting place for the two forces was the Piedra Lumbre. The part that the Apaches played in this Governor Otermin, Santa Fe, November 26, Commission to Dominguez, Santa Fe, December 28, Maese Maestre de Campo was the "title of a top-ranking Spanish army officer of field grade, equivalent to colonel, or even to major or lieutenant general, depending upon the number of troops under his command. They are frequently referred to as being allied with the Pueblos against the Spanish, but again they are mentioned as being hostile to the former and taking advantage of the situation after the protection of Spanish arms, for whatever they were worth, had been removed.

    The Apaches are seldom mentioned by a group name, but the few references are to the Faraones and Achos who lived along the eastern frontier of New Mexico. The latter were the Jicarillas of later times. The Ute Indians are mentioned at least once as taking advantage of the times. The Navahos too played a shadowy part in the uprising. There are implications that they took advantage of Pueblo distress after the Spanish withdrawal.

    A handful of Pueblo Indians reentered New Mexico from El Paso shortly after the rebellion for some vague purpose of their own. One of the group, Shimitihua, reported that he met a Navaho Apache chief at the pueblo of Santo Domingo engaged in negotiations for peace between the two peoples. The meeting had been solicited by the Pueblo people. They became involved in a persistent warfare with the Spanish.

    The conquerors exploited the Pueblo people for economic advantage despite the laws and the Friars to the contrary, and the latter aimed at a revolu- tion in the Pueblo way of life. Both practices kept alive dis- content among the Pueblo people. Their grievances in turn worked toward making the frontier people anti-Spanish. The harsh treatment of the latter by Spanish slavers, and puni- tive expeditions in retaliation for raids into the valley of the Rio Grande, gave the frontier people their own set of griev- ances against the white man.

    Adding to these factors a prob- ably normal but mild sense of antagonism between the Pueblo and frontier people before the arrival of the Spanish, and the use made by the latter of Pueblo manpower in military activi- ties, it was not surprising that the Spanish and Pueblos be- came entangled in a relationship with the frontier people that was more marked by war than peace.

    The Navahos University of New Mexico, , ms. After the Pueblo War for Independence against their Spanish masters in , and their subsequent reconquest, the legacy of the Seventeenth century was another quarter century of warfare between the Spanish and Navahos before they settled down for a long era of peaceful relations. Concluded In the early fall of , civil authorities in Lincoln County launched another determined and concerted move to rid the range of rustling.

    Operations, in the main, were directed against its principal head, William Bonney. Support from only a few indigenous stockmen was proffered however, for the previous range war's aftermath ebbed slowly. The campaign was actually set in motion by investigations under- taken by small groups of cowboys sent by ranches in the Texas Panhandle to locate evidence regarding the disappear- ance of their cattle from the eastern drainage of the Pecos. Periodically, the animals had drifted into that region during the winter. From this evidence, the party quickly traced last ownership of the cattle to Pat Coghlin, a Three Rivers rancher who held the local government beef contract.

    Bonney was his known procurer. Garrett, a resident of Fort Sumner, be appointed to direct periodic scouting east of that town for stolen cattle. Kimball, Sheriff of Lincoln County, at the urging of Chisum and other major cattlemen in the locale. KimbalFs posses waged such a vacillating, unsuccessful cam- paign to curb stock losses during the summer of that McCarty, Tascosa, pp. In the early fall of , four men, each represent- ing a major Panhandle ranch, arrived in Lincoln County and reconnoitered a short while.

    A second group arrived from the Panhandle on November 16, , and in December joined Garrett's posse south of Anton Chico. In the spring of , he located evidence that con- clusively linked Coghlin with Bonney's rustling. Chisum to Wallace, April 15, He won the election, but pending the expiration of the incumbent's term remained in his former capacity. In a letter to Governor Wallace, Bonney later commented on this move as follows :. Chisum is the man who got me into trouble and was benefitted Thousands by it and is now doing all he can against me.

    About the middle of the month it was enlarged by the addition of heavily armed cowboys from ranches in the Panhandle. This group arrived in answer to a request voiced some months earlier by the Sheriff -Elect, when he found partisan feelings and fear in Lincoln County precluding the raising of an adequate scouting force. Garrett was now ready to proceed with confidence. A few days after Christmas his force surrounded Bonney and several others in a stone sheep herder's hut, some fourteen miles east of Fort Sumner, and forced them to surrender. A "reign of law," as Aimer N. Blazer was later to say, had begun.

    For them, as for the County, a full measure of hope seemed guaranteed by the coming year. The sprawling Jinglebob with its countless herds was now a memory, but perhaps this was for the best. Prosperity and Extinction Beginning in , the Jinglebob ranch empire and its titular head, John Chisum, entered a short-lived period of Denver Tribune, December 28, Full account of capture. Aimer N. Blazer was a youth in Lincoln County during the civil strife there in and after.

    Ranching facilities were improved, selec- tive breeding accelerated, and participation in local and re- gional livestock associations intensified. And as days of endless anxiety and misgiving concerning stock holdings and personal safety were now passed, the Chisums left the ranch more frequently on matters business or otherwise. Here, several days later, James en- trained for a visit with friends in Denton County, Texas. His two companions, however, left for Santa Fe to post bond to appear as witnesses against William Wilson, a counterfeiter, in April. Chisum and W. Robert came up from Santa Fe yester- day.

    They were in disgust at the statement in the New Mexican to the effect that they were bondsmen for Wm Wilson, accused for counterfeiting. Chisum remained in Las Vegas through the first weeks of March and possibly longer, for the spring term of district court annually attracted many prominent ranchers with whom he could visit and discuss the variables of the stock trade. His sons, Walter and Will, had driven in a day or so before from South Spring with two wagons to transport a shipment of several hundred young fruit trees and miscellaneous shrubs which their father had purchased in Colorado during his trip.

    Within a week, these plants were received, carefully packed, and the journey south commenced. Garrett had been informed the previous fall of the circula- tion of bogus bills in southeastern New Mexico. Tape No. Johnny Ewer, an employee of the Chisums for nearly a decade, was drowned while attempting to ford the Pecos. He had been sent with Bill Hutchison and Will Chisum to check on a herd of brood mares being pastured about thirty- five miles below the headquarters and on the east side of the river, which at that time was at flood stage.

    At a point just below the mouth of the Felix, according to Will, Ewer. When the horse's feet struck the bank, Johnny fell off backwards. Bill just sat his horse, but I jumped off my horse and began to throw off my clothing at the same time Johnny was floating down the river. I hit the water on the run and. After covering twenty miles they gave up. He had come to New Mexico and the Pecos in answer to a plea voiced by indigenous ranchers to the Department of Agriculture earlier that year regarding the threatened spread of an unfamiliar stock contagion.

    The Chisums were particularly concerned for their graded herds now num- bered over fifteen thousand head. Upon completing his in- spection of infected U brand cattle, the veterinarian moved north, successively visiting the ranches of Captain J. After a week in the field, he returned to Las Vegas and an- nounced that the disease was local and not epizootic, thus allaying the ranchers' fears. Brothers states that Ewer was drunk when he entered the river and that his nickname was "Judge. From Lincoln came word that William Bonney, awaiting execution, had killed his jailors there on April 28 and vanished into the mountains.

    Posses immedi- ately began searching old haunts, and the young outlaw's enemies quickly restricted their traveling. It is generally believed that John Chisum left the ranch upon hearing of the escape, yet evidence to support his presence at South Spring until about the first of June has come to light. A bill of. Especially to enjoy wide newspaper circulation was a story which appeared in the Las Vegas Optic three days be- fore Singer's arrival.

    It stated that Bonney had ridden into a cow camp near Roswell late one evening. Learning the herders were Jinglebob employees, he killed three of them, but spared the fourth and last man to bear the following warning to John Chisum: Tell him I am living now to get even with my enemies ; I shall kill his men whenever I find them and credit him with five dollars for each man I kill.

    Whenever I see him I intend to kill him and then I will call the account square. It is quite unlikely that Bonney risked recognition near Roswell, a hos- tile area, when most of his friends lived in or near Fort Sumner. On the other hand, it is very probable that Chisum was responsible for originating the story, as he was utilizing every means to stir civil authorities into action against the fugitive. Chisum arrived in Santa Fe during the second week in July to testify in the Wilson hearing, which had been post- 7.

    According to her father's notes, Mrs. Brothers declares that George Swaggert, one of the ranch cooks, drove Chisum to Las Vegas by buggy soon after the cattleman heard of the escape. Optic, June 13, Information for this story seems to have emanated from Santa Fe. The Arizona Star, on June 16, , printed it and pointed out that the version had been received from Santa Fe on June Other versions subsequently ap- peared, the most colored probably being that published by the Laredo Times Laredo, Texas , August 10, The New Mexican seized the opportu- nity, true to form, to comment on his apparent temerity.

    On the 13th it observed : Chisum does not seem to be very con- cerned about the Kid's threats to take his life. When he gets ready to go anywhere he goes. He was still in the capital city when Marcus Brunswick, a friend in Las Vegas, wired that Bonney had been killed by Sheriff Garrett at Fort Sumner on the night of the 14th. Chisum made no public state- ment concerning the incident; it was his nature to decline comment on issues which previously rankled deep in the con- temporary mind.

    As the month drew to a close, it became obvious that the counterfeiting hearing would not be held due to the absence of two witnesses. So, on July 30, the cattle- man left Santa Fe and the next day passed through Las Vegas en route to the ranch. The Three Rivers rancher and former beef con- tractor had been indicted by Panhandle cattle interests on charges of purchasing and butchering stolen beeves and was to stand trial at Lincoln that fall.

    The Chisum party, consist- ing of a dozen men, had been alerted for trouble; even "Nigger John" Manlove, the cook, sensed the seriousness and expressed his wont to handle a firearm. The search, which lasted about two weeks, proved uneventful though, and what few stolen cattle as could be located were leisurely trailed back to the Pecos. The old square headquarters establishment, used since the spring of , was razed ; and on a slight rise several hun- dred yards to the southeast a new ranchhouse, the "Long House," was completed.

    It faced west, measured about one hundred and fifty feet in length by sixteen feet in width, and contained eight rooms four on each side of an open hallway, which was ten feet wide. The walls, made of adobe 9. Maurice G. Fulton to HPH, October 3, Personal interview. Gazette, July 31, The first room north of the hallway, John Chi- sum's quarters, was actually a combination bedroom and office. Its basic furnishings consisted of the following : a bed, a small safe, a walnut writing desk, and a heavy wire stand which supported a large dictionary.

    To a visitor at the Chisum ranch that fall it was. The fact that his home was two hundred miles from a railroad had not deterred [Chisum]. Two utility buildings had been erected, each about twelve feet east of the north and south corners of the house respec- tively. The walls of these flat-topped, floored structures, which measured twenty by sixteen, were probably con- structed with the old adobe bricks from the square house.

    The single room behind the northeast corner became the commis- sary; the one to the south was partitioned, the west end serving as living quarters for Aunt Mary Blythe, the Negro housekeeper, and her young son. The opposite room was set aside as a dance hall. Chisum didn't intend to have his " Stretching east from these structures was a section of land with four strands of one half inch wide smooth ribbon wire as a pasture for horses. Most For a description of the ranch in , see Recollections of Mary N.

    Dow in the RoaweU Record, October 8, Poe, Buckboard Days, pp. This artesian stream was used exclusively for cooking and drinking purposes. Some- what paralleling it and passing near the south end of the house was another channel which flowed east through the orchards. Along a majority of these artificial watercourses young willows and cottonwoods were spaced and planted as practicable.

    About twenty feet east of the house, on the "drinking ditch," three willows were set out and entwined. Such, in summary, was the physical transformation of the Chisums' center of operations in Changes were readily apparent in the Jinglebob range claim at this time too. No longer extending from Bosque Grande down the Pecos to the New Mexico-Texas line, it was now confined to a domain about sixty miles in length, lying between Salt Creek, above Roswell, and Artesia to the south.

    Although a majority of the far-flung line camps had been abandoned, there continued in use several old-established range sites. The more important were : Yellow Lake, twenty- five miles northwest of Roswell; Stirrup Bend, east of present-day Artesia ; Prickly Pear, seventeen miles northeast of the headquarters ; Buffalo Valley, twenty miles east ; and Good Bend, sixteen miles to the southeast. Late in a mild cattle boom swept the Southwest, and a number of open range stockmen sold their herds to large ranching syndicates, many of which were supported by for- eign capital.

    Such was the case with George W. Littlefield who closed out his LIT holdings in the Texas Panhandle and pur- chased the land and buildings at Bosque Grande for a new By summer, nine thousand heifers and cows had been driven in and loosed along the Pecos south of this location. Chisum was away on a trip when his new neighbors to the north began operations, but sometime during the summer he met its manager, Phelps White, when he visited the Jinglebob to purchase bulls. His house cost him twelve thousand Dol All well fitted out, but the old man will have to leave soon as he is getting old.

    Regularly, he continued to import registered bulls from out-of -state sources, and instead of exploiting the steadily rising cattle market, retrenched, retaining the annual heifer crops for breeding purposes. One shipment of graded stock from the East especially received considerable comment. Chisum, the pioneer cowman of the Pecos coun- try, and who is reputed as having owned all the cattle in N.

    Mexico at one time, has recently imported from Clay County, Missouri, forty-two head of shorthorn Durhams as fine animals as ever held down hoofs. In the eyes of the Territory, the Jinglebob continued prosperous. Chisum probably remained at South Spring during the late spring and summer of , but nothing is presently known of his whereabouts that fall. It is known that by this time he was suffering from a large tumor which had appeared on his neck under the right ear, and that some relief had been realized from treatments by local physicians.

    Haley, Littlefield, pp. Chisum was in Denton County, Texas, in the early part of See Deed Book S, p. Cox, Historical and Biographical Record, p. Concurrent with this decline in his health, Chisum control of the ranch began to disintegrate. Pitzer was the first of the three brothers to retire from the stock business and leave the Pecos.

    System Error Occurred.

    Circumstances di- rectly responsible for this decision are not clearly known; however, a review of available pertinent information reveals certain conditions which undoubtedly influenced or probably caused the departure. First and foremost, his older brother, John, with whom he had worked for over fifteen years, was in ill health and gradually entrusting the management and finances of the ranch to James and William Robert.

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    There is no record of jealousy or aspiration on the part of Pitzer regarding this situation, but there is an overtone of disgust. Justification for this feeling arose when his brother and nephew began heavily mortgaging the holdings to per- petuate and expand ranching operations. He requested settlement. Here, he settled to live out his days, a stoop-shouldered, taciturn old man. This was likely done at John's request, for the nephew, who had served as bookkeeper for the ranch for over a year, seems to Lea Statement discusses this situation fairly objectively.

    Potter says : "The version on the range was that he John Chisum transfered the entire estate to the Jinglebob Co with Jim Chisum and his family as beneficiaries, including Wm Robert, Sallie's husband. I was told that he asked them to pay Pitzer Chisum one hundred thousand dollars for his part. And according to my knowledge, the first bor- rowed went to pay off Pitzer.

    Mary V. Alexander W. Neville, editor of the Paris News Paris, Texas , in a letter to HPH, dated February 15, , writes that he printed Pitzer's wedding invitations, and sent one for perusal. Pitzer died January 2, , at the age of By this transfer, Robert received a strip of one hundred and sixty acre tracts, extending roughly from near Bosque Grande down the Pecos to Artesia.

    Deed records indi- cate that James had begun the acquisition of these home- steads during the spring of , and that prior owners were friends, employees, or relatives of the Chisum family. It is very probable the initial filings had been at the suggestion of the Chisums, for by the early 's they were utilizing every means to retain control to a well-watered range along the frontage of the Pecos. John Chisum and his graded Jinglebobs were still being accorded considerable notoriety in the Southwest.

    In spite of the incapacitating growth which surgery re- peatedly and vainly strove to check, Chisum apparently kept quite active. More than once in its sessions, he tangled verbally with Cap- tain J. Lea over points and procedures. New Mexican Review, May 2, Two thousand head were sold at Las Vegas on May 1, and in the weeks that followed a large herd of range cattle, under the supervision of William Robert, were taken to Dodge City for Medicine Lodge parties. On June 23, on his return to the Territory with a carload of thoroughbred bulls, Robert was quoted in the New Mexican Review as saying that a trainload of fine grade heifers, one and two years old, would soon be located on the Chisum ranch in southeastern Arizona.

    This claim, first occupied by Rail brand herds in the early 's, lay along the San Pedro River from St.


    David north to a few miles above Benson. The Jinglebob manager's an- nouncement was not long in stirring ranchers in that locale to remonstrate vehemently. Chisholm has not an equal right with any other American citizen, to buy land and graze cattle. Speculation over the move ceased, however, when it became publicly known that the cattle king's health was failing. Chisum had left South Spring on July 7 to seek medical attention for the tumor, which had enlarged rapidly during the late spring.

    At his departure from the ranch, "he. Weeks later at Kansas City, Chisum underwent major surgery. Edward Vail "Reminiscences ;" Edward L. Vail to Mrs. George F. Per- sonal interview circa In the files of the Arizona Pioneers' Historical Society. Sunshine and Silver Tucson , September 14, Upon arrival at Las Vegas, he began suffering from post-operative com- plications and was advised by local physicians to spend the winter at Eureka Springs, Arkansas, a popular resort with nationally advertised mineral baths.

    About the middle of the month, newspapers in New Mexico reported that the Pecos cattleman had suf- fered a serious relapse. During the night of the 22nd, John Chisum passed away. After recounting the particulars, it concluded : Mr. Chisum was one of the pioneers Eccentric in many ways, gruff in manner, yet he was always a warm friend, and no man ever looked closer after the pleasure and comfort of the men under his employ New Mexican Review, August 5, Jessie Prado Farrington, widow of Loftus H. Farrington of Puesta del Sol Rd. Farrington, who homesteaded in New Mexico half a century ago and married into a titled English family, was born in Crosshill, Glasgow, Scotland, in She was educated in Scotland, France, Switzerland and Germany.

    Because of her great love for horses and other animals, Mrs. Far- rington homesteaded alone in in a place then known as Prather's Flats, near Alamogordo, N. After some years she met and married Loftus Farrington, the second son of Lord Farrington of England, and uncle of the present Lord Farrington. Farrington had become a rancher in Kansas, where they lived for many years. They came to Santa Barbara in Farrington died in Surviving are a nephew, Mr. MacMillan of Montreal, Canada, and two nieces, Mrs.