It has been argued that the high degree of non-participation in Lotharingia was because most of the vassals of Henry IV were reluctant to become involved in what was essentially a papal enterprise In fact it would appear that if anything, exactly the converse was the case. Pope Urban had proclaimed that the property of crusaders should be placed under church protection until their return.
On the other hand it is probable that many other lords were unwilling to leave home at a time when Lotharingia was being ravaged by the Investiture Contest and the various dynastic feuds which accompanied it From its departure in August until its arrival at Constantinople in December the army was therefore essentially Lotharingian in character, a lthough it was by no means representative of the whole of Lotharingia.
Brandt, Kruisvaarders naar Jeruzalem. Geschiedenis van de eerste kruistocht Utrecht, , Even after Godfrey reached a settlement with Bishop Richer he continued to wage war on the bishopric until he took the cross sometime after , although he died before he could leave LL p.
Thus at Nicaea Godfrey and his army are described : Godefridus dux Lotharingiae However, by the time of their arrival at Antioch the descriptions have become fuller : Godefridus dux As Knoch points out, these lists of tribes constitute a rhetorical device employed by Albert of Aachen to give greater weight to the German elements in the crusade. Nevertheless, the fact that these Germans are not associated with Godfrey until after the crossing to Asia Minor suggests that they were new additions to the army A section of the chronicle of Zimmern dealing with the First Crusade has long been regarded as the principal source for these new additions It was completed around and survives in two original manuscripts written in the Swabian dialect of Early New High German The first historian of the crusades to draw attention to this source was Hagen- meyer, who originally intended to use it to clarify the role played by Peter the Hermit in the First Crusade The chronicle claims as its own main source for the crusade 68 A A p.
See also Orderic Vitalis, V, References are henceforth given to the best modern edition, Die Chronik der Grafen von Zimmern.
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MURRAY a codex described as ain alt geschriben buoch in the Black Forest monastery of Alpirsbach which was founded during the First Crusade by members of the Zimmern family among others, as well as a tapestry also supposedly belonging to Alpirsbach. The self-proclaimed intention of this section of the chronicle is to highlight the role of the High Germans in contrast to that of the Low Germans and French who, it was argued, had been amply treated by other writers, notably William of Tyre, Robert the Monk and the other wise unknown Guido Remensis Zu disen und andern bischofen mer verfliegte sich bischof Thiemo von Salzburg, dessgleichen herzog Egkhart von Bayern, ain sun grave Ottons von Scheyrn, und herzog Walther von Tegk.
This list comprises twenty-seven named individuals, the majority of them from the duchy of Swabia ; to these can be added ain edelman von Embs und ainer von Fridingen as well as the brothers Conrad, Albert and Frederick of Zimmern who are all mentioned later Thus this single source gives a total of thirty-two names, an amazingly high prosopographical yield for a relatively short account in a work written over four and a half centuries after the events it describes.
Yet it is difficult to accept unquestioningly the evidence of the Zimmern list. Ten names are given only with the formula 'a lord of X', with no forename, and are thus valueless in prosopographical terms since none of these ten can be confirmed from any other source. Of the remaining twenty-two names, three are bishops, those of Chur, Strasbourg and Salzburg.
He died on 30 July and was succeeded by Guy who reigned until The first bishop of Chur to bear the name Conrad was not elected until His participation in the crusade is problematic. Although he is attested as having made a pilgrimage he was back in Germany by 9 November , which hardly lends much support to the testimony of the chronicle of Zimmern Similar confusion seemed to have led to the inclusion in the list of Thiemo, archbishop of Salzburg, who did not depart for Palestine until 8I. Thus none of these three could have taken part in the 'People's Expedition' whose German component is described in the chronicle.
The name herzog Egkhart von Bayern, ain sun grave Ottons von Scheyrn raises further problems. The duchy of Bavaria was held personally by Henry IV from until the summer of ; it was then returned to Welf IV who was succeeded by his son Welf V in Bavaria did not pass to the Scheyern family until Otto of Wittelsbach was created duke by Frederick Barbarossa in 1 Count Otto I of Scheyern, who died before , is known to have had a son called Ekkehard ; however since Ekkehard died before he could not have been on crusade. The Wittelsbachs as the Scheyern line became known were later involved in crusading and were keen patrons of crusading literature.
One of the main sources of their family tradition were the tablets known as the Tabula Perantiqua, preserved in the abbey of Scheyern.
The historical core of this fantastic legend was probably an actual pilgrimage made by Ekkehard, possibly the great German pilgrimage of , which was later conflated with accounts of the First Crusade and other crusading activities of the Wittelsbach family by Froben Christoph of Zimmern, or more likely, one of his sources Realising the difficulties posed by the inclusion of the three bishops and Egkhart, Hagenmeyer argued that these names could not have been derived from the claimed ultimate source, the alt geschriben buoch, although there are no textual grounds for this within the chronicle of Zimmern Yet many of the other names accepted as genuine by Hagenmeyer also raise numerous difficulties.
The division also explains the adoption of the ducal title by all three heirs However the inclusion in this account of the First Crusade of a Teck with the ducal title, and with the name Walther which was otherwise unknown in the family, is quite anachronistic. The counts of Tubingen are known to have used the Christian name Hugh in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. However this line did not receive the title comes palatinus until the time of Hugh III, on the extinction of the counts of Dillingen in 1 On the Witteisbachs as patrons of crusading literature, see Alan V.
In view of the anachronistic title it is possible that the inclusion of Hugh as a crusader derived from crusading activity of this family in the years The two brothers listed as counts of Saarwerden are also dubious ; the first documented count is known only from , and the names Rudolf and Ulrich are unheard of in this family Neither can the grave von Zwaibrucken be accepted as a crusader.
These three crusaders must therefore be regarded as pure fiction i The first documented lord of Bussnang in the Thurgau was Albert I who appears between and The name Arnold is unknown in this family 9I. The first lord of Brandis, whose core lands were situated in the Emmental, does not appear until , with the name Conrad, making the claimed hen Ruodolffreiherr von Brandis even more anachronistic than the duke of Teck.
Indeed, the name Rudolf does not occur in the main line of this family until the fifteenth century A Henry of Heiligenberg, in the Linzgau north of Konstanz, is known in the period around 1 as the brother of Arnold, imperialist bishop of Konstanz, and as advocate and despoiler of the monastery of St. George of Petershausen. However nothing is known of any crusading activity prior to this ; although the chronicle of Zimmern calls him a count, a county named after the Mons Sanctus did not appear until The first lord of Neuffen near Esslingen am Neckar was Mangold, son of Berthold I of Sulmetingen-Sperberseck, who appears be tween and , and built the castle of Neuffen after Mangold had a brother, Berthold II, lord of Sperberseck, documented from , who died a monk at Zwiefalten after Apart from the chronicle of Zimmern there is no evidence for participation in the First Crusade by any of these members of the family.
However it is possible that the basis of the inclusion of a grave Berchtholdt von Neifen in the chronicle may been a tradition of a pilgrimage to Jerusalem known to have been made by Berthold U's son Berthold III sometime between and H. At first sight the name grave Emmich von Lyningen appears to hold more promise. Contemporary sources relate that a crusader called Emicho raised an army which persecuted the Jews of Speyer, Worms, Mainz and Cologne before departing for the East However the first definite mention of an Emicho of Leiningen dates from The accounts of Albert of Aachen, Frutolf of Michelsberg and Ekkehard of Aura do not actually identify the crusader with Leiningen ; they merely state that Emicho was a count or vir militaris with lands in the area of Mainz, and that he returned home after his army was defeated by King Coloman of Hungary in Furthermore a recent examination of the Hebrew sources reveals that the surname of the would-be crusader was written by them in the form VLNHJM, which would tend to exclude any place-name with the ending -ingen.
Alzey-Worms on the middle Rhine. A witness list of the year gives the name comes Emicho de Vlanheim This would agree with Albert's information that Emicho returned home in the summer of The lack of prominence accorded to Emmich von Lyningen in the Zimmern account is another point against this source. Even the participation of the three Zimmern brothers, Frederick, Albert and Conrad, is open to considerable doubt. The chronicle claims that their brother Godfrey married Elisabeth, daughter of Frederick of Teck ".
We have already seen that the first known duke of Teck is not attested until Assuming that this marriage connection did exist and the only evidence for it derives from the two Zimmern sources then it and the supposed crusading generation must be placed at least a century after the First Crusade, and most probably in the thirteenth century when we first find a member of the Teck line with the name Frederick.
However the persistence with which the chronicle glorifies the Teck family could well be explained by such a marriage connection In fact the sole name in the Zimmern list which can be confirmed from other sources is that of grave Hartmann von Dillingen und Kiburg. Dillingen in Swabia. He married Adelheid, daughter of Adalbert of Winter- thur-Kyburg, and succeeded to her vast estates in the Thurgau l Since Ernest, the first abbot, is known to have been on the crusade it is likely that his benefactor was identical with the Hartmannus comes Alemanniae mentioned on three occasions by Albert of Aachen.
He is recorded as having died in It is quite possible that in this case Froben Christoph discovered his name in the history of William of Tyre, which he evidently knew and where he is one of relatively few crusaders explicitly 99 Chronik der Grafen von Zimmern, I, The Chronik der Grafen von Zimmern ibid. With this single exception, the jumble of anachronistic or non-existent names, as well as those of whom nothing is known, and above all the lack of external corroboration make it extremely doubtful whether the chronicle of Zimmern, composed over four and a half centuries after the First Crusade, can be considered as a reliable prosopographical source for the Germans who joined Godfrey's army after Constantinople.
However a recent study has cast doubt on the reliability of this account, questioning in particular whether Frisians around the year could have had the surnames and forenames given by Occo. Eelke Lyauckama was supposedly installed as commander of Nicaea after its capture. As the city was returned to the Byzantine emperor by the crusaders then Eelke, if he existed, was probably a Varangian in imperial service rather than a crusader.
That he was the leader of knights in the Frankish army is even more incredible. Thus while Frisians were undoubtedly present in Godfrey's army we cannot accept Occo's names as trustworthy l However contemporary sources do yield the names of some individual Germans and others who seem to have joined Godfrey or Baldwin after Constantinople. Apart from Hartmann of Dillingen, discussed above, they included Gunter , Reinhard of Hammersbach l08 , and Wicherius Ale- mannus, a ministerialis of Fulda l Others can be identified with the help WT pp.
Jahrhundert Berlin, , Peter C. Geoffrey the Monk, later lord of Marash in northern Syria and regent of Edessa in the s, is called Gufra Almuin in the Anonymous Syriac Chronicle ; his surname would seem to be a corruption of Alemannus or Aleman no. A similar case is that of William, later lord of Diiliik ; Matthew of Edessa gives him the surname Sancawel, which seems to be an Armenian rendering of a French name.
He may therefore have been identical with William, brother of the leader of one of the 'People's Expeditions' known variously as Walter de Pexeio, Walter Sine Habere or Walter Senzavohir. Rambouillet , about forty kilometres west of Paris! Such lords, it must be stressed, were in straitened circumstances. They were leaderless, and had lost baggage, arms, mounts and followers in the debacle at Nicaea. Their adhesion to the newly-arrived contingents is thus hardly surprising. Yet lords and knights from the other armies were also joining Godfrey about this time.
Yet thereafter Eustace seems to have been associated more with his brothers than with the two Roberts ; he and his men were included in Godfrey's division of the united crusading army at the Great Battle of Antioch and again at the siege of Jerusalem where he fought in the same siege-tower as his brother I The same development is found with their younger brother, Baldwin. From the beginning of the crusade he and his wife Godevere were accompanied by their familia or household During the march he attempted to establish himself as an independent prince, first in Cilicia, then at Edessa which he brought under his control by March With the help of his brothers he now created a more substantial following of fighting men, described by 'Anonymous Syriac Chronicle', ed.
Tritton and H. Ara E. Heinrich Hagenmeyer Innsbruck, , At the beginning of this comprised seventy knights, but after his move to Edessa had grown to at least two hundred in addition to many others left as garrisons in the towns he had already captured U7. Baldwin clearly drew troops from both his brothers. Boulogne-sur-Mer It is also about this time that we first hear of Baldwin's secretary Gerard who seems to have had a certain responsibility for financial affairs l From the contingent of Stephen of Blois, who deserted from the army at Antioch, came Fulcher of Chartres, later lord of Saruj, as well as his namesake the historian The number of men from Flanders and Artois who first appear in Jerusalem after Baldwin's accession as king in 1 also suggests that many of the followers of Robert of Flanders joined him at Edessa It would be understandable for some of the more enterprising of Robert's followers to be attracted to the service of Baldwin who was the first leader to success fully carve out a principality of his own.
The resources he obtained were considerable, including the accumulated treasure of the previous ruler of Edessa, the Armenian Thoros, part of the dowry received on his marriage to the daughter of another Armenian prince, Taphnuz, as well as large sums confiscated or extorted from some of the leading citizens who later conspired against him l An illuminating passage in the history of Albert of Aachen reveals how the resources of many knights had been eaten up in the course of the long march and the siege of Antioch, and directly links this with the appeal of Baldwin and the resources he had access to as count of Edessa : AA pp.
Heinrich Hagenmeyer Heidelberg, , pp. One factor in this development may have been the lethargy of Robert compared with the energy of Baldwin. Munro by His Former Students, ed. Louis J. Paetow New York, , , concluded that the count only ever showed initiative on one occasion in Italy and allowed himself to be overshadowed by the other leaders.
Affluebant et accrescebant singulis diebus in numero et virtute, dum fere tola civitas a Gallis obsessa, et eorum hospitalitate occupata est. Baldewinus singulis, de die in diem, in bisantiis auri, in talentis et vasis argenteis donaplurima conferebat Thus while the main army remained bogged down at Antioch Baldwin was clearly in a position to provide patronage and opportunities for advance ment for those who joined him, who were now becoming feudal dependents receiving salaries or benefits in kind from him.
From around this time, the winter of , we can discern a parallel growth of ties of dependency within Godfrey's exercitus. During the march across Anatolia numerous horses and draught animals died of thirst. The loss of horses was especially telling for the knights in the army as it reduced their military effectiveness, and consequently, their status These losses were compounded by the privation suffered during the nine-month siege of Antioch.
Henry of Esch had left Godfrey's army in Thrace in order to share in the presumed munificence of Alexius Comnenus, but was now reduced to accepting the duke's charity. Hartmann of Dillingen had been obliged to sell off his horse and armour in order to buy food and could scarcely live by begging. He was reduced to riding an ass and fighting with a captured Turkish sword and shield. Godfrey took pity on Hartmann, allotting him a daily ration of bread and a piece of meat or fish.
These circumstances contrast sharply with Albert of Aachen's description of him as dives et nobilissimus et unus de praepotentibus in terra Alemanniae The cases of Henry and Hartmann are particularly telling, since they had evidently been able to finance the construction of a siege machine from their own resources at Nicaea It is thus evident that from the time of the siege of Antioch ever-increasing numbers of knights were penniless and had nothing to bargain with except their own service.
Despite the scarcity of food and the inflationary prices commanded by what meagre supplies became available Duke Godfrey apparently possessed the means to provide for such men who offered him their service. As we have seen, Baldwin had the resources of the county of Edessa at his disposal ; what resources were available to Godfrey? We must first go back to the duke's financial preparations for the crusade in the winter of , which seem to have been rather unsystematic, evolving gradually as particular needs were perceived.
One of his first actions was to dissolve the priory of St. Peter at Bouillon, a house belonging to the abbey of Saint-Hubert, and to confiscate its possessions. He was only persuaded A A pp.
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However it seemed that the sums Godfrey wished to raise would call for wider action. He sold the allods of Baisy and Genappe to the abbey of St. Further south, his rights in the county of Verdun, as well as the allods of Stenay and Mouzay, were sold to the bishop of Verdun for an unspecified sum l However even after these transactions Godfrey was obliged to proceed to the mortgage of his allodial territory of Bouillon, along with an adjacent fief, lying to the south, which was held from the church of Reims I The sources agree that the sum realised amounted to at least silver marks l It is questionable whether the total amount realised by the lesser sales was greater than that brought by the mortgage of the strategically important fortress of Bouillon and its surrounding territory l What is clear, however, is that Godfrey had a considerable sum at his disposal on the eve of his departure, and probably Cantatorium, Georges Despv Bruxelles, , The chronicle of Saint-Hubert Canta torium, p.
The Triumphus S. These initial resources were greatly augmented in the course of the expedition. During his progress up the Rhine Godfrey exploited the anti- Semitic frenzy engendered by popular preachers to extort protection money from the Jewish communities of the middle Rhine. The Hebrew chronicles relate that Godfrey, 'may his bones be ground to dust', received zekukim of silver from the Jews of Cologne and another from Mainz, despite the fact that as duke of Lower Lotharingia he had been ordered by Henry IV to prevent persecution.
The value of the zakuk is placed variously at either eight or twelve ounces of silver ; the total profits of this short campaign of extortion must have therefore been something between and 12, ounces of silver, that is between and marks By the time of his arrival at Constantinople at the latest Godfrey's financial resources had begun to tighten the bonds of dependence in his army. Like other leaders he received gifts and money from the emperor, and continued to receive an imperial subsidy as long as he was encamped on Byzantine territory.
The duke distributed this money among his army according to the needs of each individual ; most of it seems to have been immediately spent on food supplies by the recipients I Godfrey thus played a key role as the channel through which funds passed ; it is likely that a similar system N. Bauer, 'Der Fund von Spanko bei St. Philadelphia, Madison, , VI, , has made the surprising claim that 'The dukes of Lower Lorraine as such did not issue coins, nor did Godfrey strike any for his territory of Bouillon. In France, however, their father Eustace II struck aalso' scanty p. Jahr hundert, Numismatische Studien, 6 Hamburg, , especially and Leib Paris, , II, MURRAY operated in the distribution of booty and forage, as the fighting divisions of the crusading army corresponded to the original individual contingents.
Another vital source of supply was Baldwin ; once his position in Edessa was secure he was able to aid the crusaders at Antioch, sending plurima talenti auri et argenti to the other leaders for distribution. However he clearly favoured his own brothers, with a sum put at 50, bezants, in addition to large quantities of corn, barley, wine and oil I This massive support from their younger brother must have given Godfrey and Eustace a certain edge over the other leaders.
Again Godfrey seems to distributed most of his resources to the needy, including many knights. However in August while disease was rife in Antioch he was able to withdraw with his army to Baldwin's territories of Turbessel and Ravendel for forage and recuperation I Thus by the time of the siege of Antioch, a time when many in his own exercitus and indeed in other contingents were in serious financial difficulties, Godfrey had access to new sources of income and supplies in addition to whatever reserves had remained from earlier. The growth of ties of dependence may also have been expedited by the disappearance of intermediate levels in the command structure of the army.
It is surely no coincidence that Gerard of Avesnes and Giselbert of Couvin, both later found in the service of Godfrey and Baldwin in Jerusalem, were originally vassals of Baldwin of Hainaut who disappeared in Asia Minor while he was on an embassy to Alexius Comne- nus l The two Fulchers of Chartres, the future lord of Saruj and the historian, were originally in the Champagne contingent which was left leader- less by the desertion of Stephen of Blois In these instances the removal of their immediate lord or recognised leader appears to have brought about a closer bond to Godfrey and Baldwin.
If the arrival at Constantinople marked the beginning of a second stage in the development of Godfrey's exercitus, the third stage was signalled by the entry into Palestine in the spring of The subsequent establishment of a Frankish state with Godfrey as its ruler allowed him to provide patronage in the form of fiefs and financial support. Although the actual territory under his control was small, he could also dispose of substantial amounts of tribute paid by the Muslim cities of the coast. Thus the revenues of the port of Arsuf were assigned to the knight Robert of Anzi ; it is probably also significant that he was a Norman from southern Italy who had originally come on crusade with Bohemund The original Lotharingian element in Godfrey's army had been depleted by death in battle, capture and disease ; among the known AA pp.
Others were with Baldwin, now count of Edessa. Lastly, after the liberation of the Holy City, large numbers of crusaders regarded their vows of pilgrimage as having been fulfilled and returned to Europe in the course of the following year.
There is plenty of material evidence, however. Eugene LeMire recognizes the two kinds of paper but suggests that it is a quarto in eights ; I am inclined to agree with Peterson.
Either way, the discontinuous formatting over the two parts of the book suggests a pragmatic readjustment on the part of Morris the printer that is in keeping with the Kelmscott Press as an experiment in printing, and as a press with a very medieval sense of how texts — sometimes related thematically, and sometimes not — might be thrown together in a Sammelband to conserve space and binding time as well as to create a single volume of a fitting size.
In this Morris showed his usual facility. He must have finished the lines in very good time for the printing to have begun in January. In each case the working manuscript copy is visible like a palimpsest under the Kelmscott printed version — sometimes in several palimpsestic layers, as is the case with Beowulf , which exists as, first, the literal translation which A. The frontispiece to the Order of Chivalry is an inimitable Burne-Jones rendering of the arming of a knight, while the facing page has the text of the first page of the Caxton text, with a full border of white-vine decoration surrounding the solid block of prose.
This white-vine decoration is more effective here on the opening of The Ordination of Knighthood than it is on that of the front page of The Order of Chivalry. In the latter, the white vines tightly wrap all four borders of the text like a cluttered picture frame; here, the asymmetry of the left-marginal decoration complements the large and small floriated initials and the lines of poetry with their irregular lengths. By way of contrast, the opening of The Tale of Beowulf is a justified unit framed by a full border, with only the Kelmscott leaf device spottily marking what are in the rest of the text the ends of poetic lines.
This arrangement gives Morris his vaunted solid block of text, but it does not have nearly the elegance of the opening of the Ordination and Psalmi Penitentiales. The Order of Chivalry volume is thus an example of the collaborative, experimental, and occasionally even messy methods of the Kelmscott Press. As a piece of printing, it brings together two parts on different-sized paper in different formats, and experiments with a different approach to white-vine decoration on each title page. Comprising a medievalist Sammelband of the fifteenth-century Caxton text, the fourteenth-century French text, and the nineteenth-century translation by Morris, it brings together works which are thematically related but very different with regard to their form, their historical particularity, and their national origin.
Indeed, it is a very representative example of what I have called the Kelmscott canon, which was broad and inclusive, and capable equally of drawing upon modern and ancient texts in verse and in prose that dealt with fiction and poetry, legend and social history, narrative and anthropology, homily and romance. The flexibility of the Kelmscott canon is as important to the legacy of the Press as is its experimental ethos with regard to typography, illustration, and page design.