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Our secure platform lets you analyze performance, manage multiple YouTube accounts at once, moderate comments, and more. Try it free today. Get Started. In the V. Trump campaigned against outsourcing, but the Deasons became Trump backers nonetheless, donating a million dollars to his campaign. Doug Deason was enlisted, in part, by Pence, whom he had known and supported for years. Among the billionaires who gathered in the room at the Hilton, Deason recalled, were the financier Wilbur Ross, whom Trump later appointed his Secretary of Commerce; the corporate investor Carl Icahn, who became a top adviser to Trump but resigned eight months later, when allegations of financial impropriety were published by The New Yorker ; Harold Hamm, the founder and chairman of Continental Resources, an Oklahoma-based oil-and-gas company that has made billions of dollars through fracking; and David Koch, the richest resident of New York City.
He and his brother Charles are libertarians who object to most government spending, including investments in infrastructure. They co-own virtually all of Koch Industries, the second-largest private company in the United States, and have long tapped their combined fortune—currently ninety billion dollars—to finance candidates, think tanks, pressure groups, and political operatives who support an anti-tax and anti-regulatory agenda, which dovetails with their financial interests. Bannon is equally alarmed at the prospect of a Pence Presidency. Eighty-four and energetic, Fritsch met me for coffee this summer, along with her eldest son, Gregory, who is in the antiques business in the Columbus area.
Like the Vice-President, they are good-looking, with chiselled features, and have an unpretentious, amiable manner.
Brief mentions of Edward in the press have described him as having worked in the Chicago stockyards, leaving the impression that he was poor. Fritsch went to secretarial school. He had won a Bronze Star, which the Vice-President keeps in his office. In , after leaving law school, he moved with Fritsch from Chicago to Columbus, where he sold fuel to gas stations, farms, and convenience stores. I always looked forward to going back to Chicago.
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I was a Stepford wife. Edward, Jr. At dinner, the kids were forbidden to speak. While Gregory was in college, he was sleeping late on a visit home when his father pulled the covers off him and told him to get up for church. His father stopped paying his tuition altogether. Columbus, which has a population of forty-five thousand, was dominated by a major engine manufacturer, Cummins, and escaped the economic woes that afflicted many other parts of the region. Protestant kids had thrown stones at him, he recalled. The Pence children attended St. Columba Catholic School through eighth grade.
Mike discovered a talent for public speaking that made him a favorite with the nuns. In fifth grade, he won a local oratory contest, defeating kids several years older. Mike Pence attended Hanover College, a liberal-arts school in southeast Indiana. On a visit home, he told his father that he was thinking of either joining the priesthood or attending law school. His father suggested he start with law; he could always join the priesthood later. His conversion was part of a larger movement.
Pence voted for Jimmy Carter in , but he soon joined the march of many Christians toward the Republican Party. Weyrich condemned homosexuality, feminism, abortion, and government-imposed racial integration, and he partnered with some controversial figures, including Laszlo Pasztor, a former member of a pro-Nazi party in Hungary. While in law school, at Indiana University, Pence met and married Karen Batten, a schoolteacher whom he had noticed playing guitar in a church service.
They shellacked the loaf. The couple became almost inseparable. As the Washington Post reported , he kept it on his office desk long after the advent of cell phones. At home, they worked out on twin treadmills. Critics have argued that this approach reduces women to sexual temptresses and precludes men from working with women on an equal basis. People are trying to bloody and muddy him, but talk about narrow-minded—to judge his marriage!
But after Mike entered the race Edward became his biggest booster, helping him raise money and put up lawn signs. Then, just a few weeks before the Republican primary, Edward, who was fifty-eight, had a heart attack and died. In , Pence tried and failed again to unseat Sharp, waging a campaign that is remembered as especially nasty. One ad featured an actor dressed in Middle Eastern garb and sunglasses, who accused Sharp, falsely, of being a tool of Arab oil interests.
It was partly because of immaturity, but he really was kind of full of shit. Kennedy School of Government, and is now semi-retired, remains unimpressed by Pence. Pence took a job at a law firm in Indianapolis, where he handled mainly small-claims and family cases, and started each day by praying with colleagues. He probably weighed a hundred pounds more than today.
Pence was thrown a lifeline in , when he was offered a job as president of the Indiana Policy Review Foundation, a tiny new think tank that promoted free-market policies. But the early funders of the Heritage Foundation included some Fortune companies, in fields such as oil, chemicals, and tobacco, that opposed health, safety, and environmental regulations.
In the early nineties, he joined the board of the Indiana Family Institute, a far-right group that supported the criminalization of abortion and campaigned against equal rights for homosexuals. And, while Pence ran the Indiana Policy Review Foundation, it published an essay arguing that unmarried women should be denied access to birth control. In , after serving twenty-eight years in the legislature, she ran for lieutenant governor on a ticket with the gubernatorial candidate John R. Gregg, who lost the election to Pence.
In , he became a host on conservative talk radio, which had been booming since the F. At a time when bombastic, angry voices proliferated, Pence was different. Like Reagan, who had become his political hero, he could present even extreme positions in genial, nonthreatening terms. Pence served twelve years in Congress, but never authored a single successful bill. Bush Administration, from the right.
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Beneath the Bible-thumping earnestness was a calculating and ambitious pol. The chair presides over weekly meetings in which Republican House members discuss policy and legislative goals. After Barack Obama was elected President, Pence became an early voice of the Tea Party movement, which opposed taxes and government spending with an angry edge.
In , he made the evening news by threatening to shut down the federal government unless it defunded Planned Parenthood. Pence became best known for fiercely opposing abortion. He sponsored an unsuccessful amendment to the Affordable Care Act that would have made it legal for government-funded hospitals to turn away a dying woman who needed an abortion.
Later, as governor of Indiana, he signed a bill barring women from aborting a physically abnormal fetus; the bill also required fetal burial or cremation, including after a miscarriage. A federal judge recently found the law unconstitutional. It guides him. By the spring of , Koch Industries, like other fossil-fuel companies, felt threatened by growing support in Congress for curbing carbon emissions, the primary cause of climate change.
At first, the campaign languished, attracting only fourteen signatures. If the bill were enacted, the costs could be catastrophic to Koch Industries, which releases some twenty-four million tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere a year, and owns millions of acres of untapped oil reserves in Canada, plus coal-fired power plants and oil refineries. He not only signed their pledge but urged others to do so as well. It goes back a long way. But the House of Representatives is a tough platform from which to get elected President.
And so, in , after mulling over his national prospects, Pence ran instead for governor of Indiana. David Koch contributed two hundred thousand dollars. It served as a dark-money bank, enabling donors to stay anonymous while distributing funds to favored campaigns and political organizations. During the past decade, the group has pooled an estimated billion and a half dollars in contributions. But after he was elected he began taking controversial far-right stands that, critics believed, were geared more toward building his national profile than toward serving Indiana voters.
At first, Pence highlighted fiscal conservatism. In , he proposed cutting the state income tax. In a few surprising instances, Pence veered from conservative orthodoxy. In , he broke with many other Republican governors and agreed to expand Medicaid in Indiana.
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Nevertheless, Pence negotiated with the Obama Administration and established waivers that made the expansion acceptable to him. Critics argued that such measures were needlessly punitive toward poor residents. After this apostasy, Pence tilted back toward the right. At the last minute, he killed an application for an eighty-million-dollar federal grant to start a statewide preschool program. Political handicappers noticed that Pence was spending a lot of time taking trips to states with important Presidential primaries and mingling with big out-of-state donors. In the summer of , Pence spoke at an Americans for Prosperity summit in Dallas.
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That fall, Pence reached out to Nick Ayers, a young, sharp-elbowed political consultant, to see if he would help him in a Presidential run. Nothing came of it, but Pence clearly had White House ambitions. In the spring of , Pence signed a bill called the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, which he presented as innocuous. But then a photograph of the closed signing session surfaced. It showed Pence surrounded by monks and nuns, along with three of the most virulently anti-gay activists in the state.
The image went viral. Indiana residents began examining the law more closely, and discovered that it essentially legalized discrimination against homosexuals by businesses in the state. Extremists grabbed the initiative. The outcry over the Religious Freedom Restoration Act was enormous. Gay-rights groups condemned the bill and urged boycotts of the state. Pete Buttigieg, the young gay mayor of South Bend, who is a rising figure in the Democratic Party, told me that he tried to talk to Pence about the legislation, which he felt would cause major economic damage to Indiana.
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In an effort to quell criticism, Pence consented, against the advice of his staff, to be interviewed by George Stephanopoulos on his Sunday-morning show on ABC. Stephanopoulos asked him five times if it was now legal in Indiana for businesses to discriminate against homosexuals, and each time Pence was evasive. Pence also sidestepped when Stephanopoulos asked him if he personally supported discrimination against gays. Smulyan, the broadcasting executive, began getting calls from acquaintances all over the country, asking what was wrong with Indiana.
Companies began cancelling conventions, and threatening to reverse plans to expand in the state. The Indiana business community foresaw millions of dollars in losses.
When the N. Even the Republican establishment turned on Pence. Within days, the legislature had pushed through a less discriminatory version of the bill, and Pence signed it, before hastily leaving town for the weekend. His polls were terrible. But he went from being a likely loser as an incumbent governor to Vice-President of the United States. Pence loyalists rushed in to help. Ayers, the political operative whom Pence had consulted in about a Presidential run, became an outside adviser. The state also signed a seven-hundred-and-fifty-thousand-dollar contract with a public-relations firm, Porter Novelli, which proposed running ads featuring gay and lesbian couples posing in front of Indiana landmarks.
The problem appeared to be caused by the sharing of needles among opioid abusers in Scott County, which sits across the Ohio River from Louisville, Kentucky. The area was poor, and woefully unprepared for a health crisis. But conservatives blocked the idea, and Pence threatened to veto any such legislation. Caught flat-footed, Pence scheduled his own event, where he announced that he would pray about the syringe-exchange issue. The next day, he said that he supported allowing an exchange program as an emergency measure, but only on a temporary basis and only in Scott County, with no state funding.
After Scott County implemented the syringe exchange, the number of new H. But Republican leaders later stripped Clere of his committee chairmanship, a highly unusual event. Clere remains bitter about Pence. After the November, , terrorist attacks in Paris, Pence, like several other U. The Archdiocese of Indiana had long been deeply involved in resettling refugees, including Syrians, and was about to welcome a new Syrian family.
Tobin, who has since been elevated to cardinal and become the archbishop of Newark, New Jersey, told me that he emphasized to Pence that the Syrian family was fleeing violence and terror, and had been vetted for nearly two years while living in a Jordanian refugee camp. He also explained that the family had relatives in the area. Tobin brought along a former refugee who now had a good job at an Indiana hotel, as an example of how successful the resettlement process was. Tobin is revered in the Catholic community of Indiana in which Pence grew up. Later that week, the Syrian family was sent to Connecticut.
I asked Cardinal Tobin if there was a Christian argument in support of turning the refugees away.